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STUDIES IN ROMANCE PHILOLOGY AND 
LITERATURE 



UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

IN THE 

OLD FRENCH CHANSONS DE OESTE 



COLUMBIA 

UNIVERSITY PRESS 

SALES AGENTS 

New York : 
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UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

IN THE 

OLD FRENCH CHANSONS DE GESTE 

A STUDY IN THE SURVIVAL OF MATRIARCHY 



BY 



WILLIAM OLIVER FARNSWORTH, Ph.D. 




COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
1913 

All rights reserved 



A^ 






Copyright, 1913 
By Columbia University Pres& 

Printed from type June, 1913 



PRESS OF 

THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY 

LANCASTER, PA. 



©CI.A350185 
PUI 



NOTE 

The following dissertation has been accepted by the 
Department of Romance Languages and Literatures of 
Columbia University as a valuable contribution to the 
history of the subject of which it treats. 

Henry Alfred Todd. 

Columbia University 
November, 1912 



PEEFACE 

The study which follows represents the gleanings from some 
three hundred thousand verses of Old French poetry, compris- 
ing nearly all the published epics down through the thirteenth 
century. A marked feature of this reading is its corroborative 
nature; each poem strengthens the impression produced by the 
others, and the characteristics of the relations between the 
uncle of the epic and his nephew are so consistently depicted 
that one can scarcely fail to receive the impression of some 
•elemental force at work influencing the poets' treatment of 
the subject. The idea that imitation alone is responsible for 
this remarkable consistency is speedily dispelled as one finds 
oneself initiated into the mysteries of early family life which 
have been disclosed by the researches of the sociologists and as 
the connection of our subject with man's primitive nature 
becomes apparent. 

In general, where several editions of a text have been pub- 
lished, reference is made to the one accepted by scholars as 
the best, but occasional references have been made to early edi- 
tions when the later one was not at hand; this does not require 
an apology, inasmuch as the sentiment, rather than the exact 
•dialectical wording, is the essential consideration for our pur- 
pose. It was not easy to decide how far the citations should 
be standardized; the printed texts vary in many details of 
spelling, punctuation, and so forth, but it was thought best 
to retain the peculiarities of each editor, with a few exceptions 
•calculated to render easier the part of the reader: each verse 
has been made to begin with a capital letter, portions spoken 
by the various characters have been set off by quotation marks, 
the useless hyphens and grave accents of the early editions 
have been discarded, initials standing for proper names have 
been replaced by the names in full, parentheses enclosing 

vii 



vm 



PKEFACE 



missing letters supplied by the editors have been discarded^ 
and the most vicious specimens of incomprehensible punctua- 
tion have been modified. 

It was originally intended to include all the poems desig- 
nated in Langlois' Table des Noms Propres, hence several 
fitting citations are introduced from the Naissance du Chevalier 
au Cygne, which is not an epic poem; some few of the later 
poems were not obtainable, and it was finally decided to dis- 
regard those that showed too markedly a romantic rather than 
an epic tendency. 

The testimony from other literatures has been gleaned 
largely at second hand. Although the sociological data are 
common property, acknowledgment has been made to the 
writer who discusses the points rather than to his source. An 
ideal way would have been to trace these points in the reports 
of learned societies, etc., but as the object was only to record 
as much evidence as possible in support of the theory here 
developed, the opinions of sociologists of reputation have been 
frankly adopted without personal verification of their sources. 

Adepts in the reading of Old French will not be incon- 
venienced by the translations of citations; these have been 
placed in an unobtrusive position at the foot of the page, for 
the convenience of those who may take an interest in the sub- 
ject but would not enjoy the deciphering of so much Old 
French. The translations are without pretension to literary 
style, and aim only to be suggestive of the wording of the 
original while conveying its exact sense; for that reason, and 
in view of the discussion in the Introduction, the word nies or 
neveu is rendered always by ' nephew ', in cases where modern 
English would employ another term; these cases are very few, 
and tlje word usually does mean ' nephew'. In referring to the 
many characters of the poems, it was possible to employ con- 
sistently the accusative case of the name, a deviation from 
this rule being made in only a few instances ; i Gui ', for 
example, being familiar to modern ears, seems preferable to 
' Guion '. 



PEEFACE i x 

In the bibliography will be found the titles in full, with the 
date of publication, of all works to which reference is made; 
in the notes these titles have been condensed as far as prac- 
ticable. It was not feasible to make reference there to a 
syllabus of a paper to be read by title before the Modern 
Language Association in Chicago in December, 1911, by Pro- 
fessor W. W. Comfort of Cornell, on " Some Uncles and 
Nephews ", the outline of which indicated conclusions along the 
line of those already being developed by the present writer. 

It is hoped that the summaries of chapters in the table of 
contents will serve the purpose of an index, which it seemed in- 
advisable to make. 

The topic was first suggested to the writer some years ago 
by Professor Raymond Weeks, who graciously furnished many 
notes which he had already made ; to him is due also the writer's 
gratitude for many helpful suggestions and comments during 
the course of the investigation. The Romance Department at 
Columbia has been ever ready to supplement the information 
available, Dr. J. L. Gerig in particular having pointed out the 
path in Celtic fields. Much of this study has been read before 
the Seminar in Romance Philology at Columbia, conducted by 
Professor H. A. Todd, the indebtedness to whom cannot be 
fitly expressed — not only have his keen judgment and accurate 
scholarship been called upon and given without stint, but his 
sympathetic interest has gone far to make possible the comple- 
tion of the work. 

W. 0. Farnsworth. 
Columbia University, 
May, 1913. 



CONTENTS 

Page 
Introduction. Statement of the Problem 1 

Matriarchy — Purpose of this study — Use of oncle, nits, 
cosin — Confusion in application — Old use of ' nephew ' in 
E n g 1 i s h — Sehrader 's linguistic explanation — Tables of 
derivation. 

Chapter I. Attitude of Father Compared with that of 

Uncle 21 

Harshness of father — Sons as hostages — Sacrifice of the 
son — Instances of the kind father — Sentimental impor- 
tance of the uncle. 

Chapter II. Points of Contact between Uncle and 

Nephew 44 

(a) Fosterage— (&) Knighthood — (c) Marks of favor — 
(d) Uncle provides a wife for the nephew — (e) Nephew 
as messenger — Eesponsible offices — (/) Solidarity between 
uncle and nephew — (g) Association in war — (h) Mutual 
dependence — (i) Nephew as successor or heir — (j) Role of 
uncle in the blood-feud — (k) Kole of nephew in the blood- 
feud — (I) Claims of nephew — Axioms. 

Chapter III. Stylistic Treatment in the Poems 117 

Emotional manifestations— (a) Anxiety of uncle — Re- 
joicing — (b) Occasional quarrels — (c) Grief of uncle — 
Laments — (d) Attitude of nephew — (e) Lack of recogni- 
tion— (/) Descent traced through uncle — (g) Names con- 
nected in lists of combattants — (h) Forms of address — (i) 
Pagan uncle and nephew — (j) Family of traitors. 

Chapter IV. The Sister's Son 198 

(a) In the Chansons de Geste — Prominence — Roland as a 
prototype — Legends of Roland's birth — Uncertainty of 
paternity — (6) In other literatures — The Grail story — 
Arthurian legends — English ballads — Teutonic legends — 
Ancient mythology — Italian and Spanish literature. 

xi 



xii CONTENTS 

Chapter V. The Prevalence of Mother-right 225 

Mediaeval chronicles— Tacitus — Ancient Germans — Caesar 
— Picts — Celts — Antiquity — Modern travellers ' reports — 
Position of the nephew in primitive tribes — India — Arabia 
— Ethiopia — China — Thibet — Caucasus — Africa — Polynesia 
— The Americas. 

Chapter VI. Conclusion 239 

Appendix A. Formulas of Identification of the Sister's 
Son 245 

Appendix B. Bibliography 252 

(a) Chansons de Geste — (6) General works. 



INTRODUCTION 



Statement of the Problem 



Our modern conception of the family as consisting of father, 
mother, children, would at first thought seem to go back in an 
unbroken line to Roman laws, so that it is puzzling to discover 
that French literature of the Middle Ages, in its delineation 
of certain aspects of family life, shows markedly the influence 
of the earliest state of human society about which we have in- 
formation. As a matter of fact the Old French Chansons de 
Geste show plainly that there existed in the eleventh, twelfth 
and thirteenth centuries, in the form of tradition at least, a 
survival of an earlier condition in which the family was based 
upon the matriarchal principle. 

Matriarchy is that stage in the development of the human 
family during which descent is traced through the woman's side 
alone. It does not presuppose nor has it anything to do with 
female supremacy, but is, broadly speaking, a state of society 
which goes back to primitive times, to a period in which the 
physiological principles of paternity were as yet unknown. 1 
Marriage was nothing more than mating; mother and children 
remained at home with the mother's family, while the father 
lived with his own family of brothers and sisters and sister's 
children. Thus offspring were the exclusive possession of the 
woman, while her brothers were their natural guardians. 
Property and power were not transmitted from father to son, 
but from a man to his sister's son, so that the most distinguish- 
ing characteristic of mother-right, or matriarchy, is — to use the 
very apt term of the German sociologists — nephew-right (Nef- 
fenrecht). 

Says Professor F. H. Giddings : " There are no means 

i E. S, Hartland, Primitive Paternity, I, p. 259. 



2 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

of certainly determining the character of the primitive human 
family. The geological record does not reveal it, and we can- 
not be sure that the lowest savage societies of the present day 
exactly reproduce all the features of primitive communities." 2 
But by combining geological and biological facts and the tes- 
timony of archeological material with our observation of ex- 
isting savage societies, we are able to make inferences which 
reveal approximately what must once have been the condition 
of the first human beings who formed family groups. Since in 
early times a man's own children were either unknown to him 
or neglected by him, while his sister's children occupied his 
affection in their stead, it is reasonable to believe that any 
mediaeval literature which reveals distinct and consistent 
traces of that state of affairs must necessarily have been under 
the influence of very ancient traditions; so that the prominence 
which the nephew in general, and the sister's son in particular, 
holds in the French literature of the Middle Ages is to be con- 
fidently ascribed to a legendary survival of the notion of 
nephew-right long after it had disappeared in fact and as an 
institution or a custom. 

For the examination of this inviting theme the Chansons de 
Geste present an interesting and profitable field, and if we can 
succeed in showing a parallelism between the manifestations 
of the uncle-nephew relations in our mediaeval poems and 
those of ancient legends, of chronicle history, and of modern 
practises among primitive tribes, we shall establish a connec- 
tion that not only brings out the human side of the Chansons, 
but also puts us closely in touch with an early stage in the evo- 
lution of family life. If, however, not all the manifestations 
of the matriarchal system are discovered in the Chansons, it 
will only mean that the increasing importance of the Roman 
view of the family had already acquired a power that left of 
the once prevailing nephew-right nothing more than a senti- 
mental tradition. 3 

2 F. H. Giddings, Principles of Sociology, p. 264. 

3 It is to be noted that the depreciatory sense of ' nepotism' is 



INTRODUCTION 3 

Even the more or less casual reader of the Old French epic 
poems cannot have failed to be impressed by their constant, 
pervading, and almost obtrusive glorification of the relations 
between uncle and nephew. Although they have been touched 
upon incidentally by various writers, to whom reference will be 
made in the course of these chapters, the present study is ap- 
parently the first to investigate these relations in detail. 4 
Students of Old French know also that the words oncle and 
nies 5 have varying meanings, so that it is necessary first of all 
to make an excursus into the field of linguistics in order to 
ascertain how far it is safe to assume that our citations will 
denote the same family affiliation as that indicated by the 
English derivatives of the French terms. 

not attached to the word 'nephew-right,' which signifies a senti- 
mental as well as a material preferment of the nephew still 
further distinguished from nepotism in that it is the natural 
development of primitive family relations, while the former word, 
originally euphemistic in purpose and with an ecclesiastical appli- 
cation, designates preferment morally unjustifiable. The Encyclo- 
paedia Britannica says: "An euphemistic use of 'nephew' is that 
of the natural son of a pope, cardinal, or other ecclesiastic, and 
from the practise of granting preferments to such children the 
word 'nepotism' is used of any favoritism shown in finding posi- 
tions for a man's family". The Century Dictionary defines 
'nepotism' as: "Favoritism shown to nephews and other rela- 
tives; patronage bestowed in consideration of family relationship 
and not of merit. The word was invented to characterize a pro- 
pensity of the popes and other high ecclesiastics in the Eoman 
Catholic Church to aggrandize their family by exorbitant grants 
or favors to nephews or relatives." 

4 The dissertations of Dr. Murray Potter (Sohrab and Bustem) 
and Carl Schubert (Der Pflegesohn) , and the article of Professor 
F. B. Gummere (The Sister's Son in the English Ballads), develop 
the subject at some length. The article by Professor W. A. Nitze 
(The Sister's Son and the Conte del Graal) appeared after the 
greater part of this essay was written. 

s Old French nies (nepos), nominative; neveu (nepotem), 
accusative. 



4 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

In our poems the term nies is applied indifferently either to 
the brother's or to the sister's son, while oncle means either 
father's or mother's brother, with reference to the child; 
these names, then, correspond to the accepted use in English 
of ' nephew ', l uncle '. When, as is very often the case, the 
poet wishes to indicate plainly descent in the female line, he 
is careful to characterize the nephew as fiz sa seror (' son of 
his sister'); he sometimes reiterates this mode of differentia- 
tion to an extent which makes it seem almost an obsession on 
his part. But we find nies applied not seldom to persons who 
are also called cosin, and are specifically characterized as the 
children of two brothers or of brother and sister. In a few 
instances it is applied to a grandson; conversely, the grand- 
father is addressed as oncles. The question arises, is there 
any danger of mistaking the proper relationship in an impor- 
tant passage? How is the term to be taken in the many in- 
stances where the relationship is indicated only once or twice 
in the course of the poem? 

By far the greater number of these single instances intro- 
duce Saracens or other enemies of France, and are to a cer- 
tain extent unimportant, so that the possibility of confusion 
need not be dwelt upon here; the term is probably to be taken 
in its ordinary meaning of ' nephew '. Indeed, even these 
flitting forms are often carefully labelled, as: Cil ert nies 
Vamirant et de sa sereur nes a (Fierabras, 4065) . The relation- 
ship specified as II estoit ses cosins et de sa seror nez b (Parise, 
664) is plain enough: the poet evidently has l nephew' in 
mind, but the loose use of cosins satisfies him and gives the 
required number of syllables. On the other hand, it is not at 
all uncommon to find nies and cosins used without distinction; 
this interchange has already been discussed in a German dis- 
sertation. 6 From the evidence there adduced, Professor Jean- 
roy draws the conclusion that the two terms became synony- 

a He was nephew to the Emir and born of his sister. 

b He was his cousin, and born of his sister. 

e J. W. Determann, Epische Verwandtschaften, p. 12. 



INTRODUCTION 5 

mous, especially in the vocative, and that nies became as it 
were "une appellation que se donnaient indifferemment entre 
eux tous les membres de la geste. On sait du reste que le mot 
avait pris une singuliere extension de sens et qu'il est, dans 
divers textes, reduit au role de simple appellation amicale." 7 
It may be taken for granted, then, that this superficial confu- 
sion is nothing out of the ordinary; a few examples to sup- 
plement those of Determann will show the method of the poet. 
Huon de Bordeaux meets a girl in the castle of the giant 
Orgileus who tells him that she is fille le conte Guinemer, 
nieche Sewin, de Bordiax la cite 3 - (Huon, 4831). Seguin is 
Huon's father, so that Huon says to her correctly, ma cousine 
estes (4837), yet she calls him biax nies (4865). The Abbot 
of Cluny tells Huon that Sewins vos peres fu mes get-mains 
cousins, h then calls him biaus nies, biax tres doux nies, and 
biax cosins, all within the space of three hundred verses (640, 
680, 685, 975). The Pope at Rome first addresses Huon twice 
as biax nies, then in giving him a sort of letter of introduc- 
tion to Garin de Saint Omer he says, Ses cousins estes et li 
miens, en non De c (2501, 2563, 2566). 
On reading the letter, Garin understands: 

Qu'i fu ses nies et de son parente 
Et fu cousins l'apostole sene. a 
(Huon, 2714) 

But several times he calls Huon biax nies, then tells his wife 
that Huon mes cousins est (2772, 2804). The hermit Ge- 
riaume also addresses Huon first as biaus nies, then as cousin 
(3826, 3834). The poet says that Guichart cousins estoit Huon 

a Daughter to Count Guinemer, niece to Seguin, of Bordeaux, 
the city. 

t> Seguin, your father, was my eousin german. 

c You are his cousin and mine, in the name of God. 

a That he was his nephew and his kin, / And was cousin to the 
wise Pontiff. 

7 A. Jeanroy, ' ' Notes sur la Legende de Vivien ' ', Bomania, 
XXVI (1897), p. 183, note. 



6 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

le baceler, yet makes Guichart immediately address the latter 
as biax nies (2398, 2402). This is probably the most striking 
collection of citations applied to one person within a single 
poem. 

The same looseness is seen in Renaut de Montauban with re- 
gard to several characters. The poet says that Benaus en a 
Maugis son cousin apele, but in the next line makes Renaut 
address him as biaus nies (Renaut, p. 126, 36; also p. 97). 
Maugis addresses both Renaut and his brother Guichart as 
cosin (p. 98, 4, 10, 23, 35). Aalart, another brother, says: 

..." Cosins Maugis, ne nos contralies. 
Vos estes de ma jeste, fils mon oncle le fier, 
Et Ogiers li Danois, fils m'antain par mon cief ." a 
(Renaut, p. 212, 12) 

In speaking of Renaut and his brothers, Ogier himself uses 
both terms within a small compass: 

" Bien me doit tot li mons et blamer et hounir, 
Quant onques mes neveus a tel besoin fali, 
Mais par ice seignor ki de mor surexi, 
A mes cousins germains ne faudrai mais isi." b 
(Renaut, p. 205, 13) 

The poet uses neveu and Ogier uses cosin directly afterwards 
(p. 194, 40). Aalart calls Ogier neveu, then cousins (p. 196, 
33, p. 197, 17). Ogier refers to the four brothers as his 
cousins (p. 216, 27). Charlemagne says to Ogier: 

"Vos estes de lignage Girard de Rossillon; 
S'estes cosin Renaut, le fil au viel Aymon." c 
(Renaut, p. 146, 12) 

a ' ' Cousin Maugis, do not gainsay us. / You are of my family, 
the son of my uncle, the bold, / And Ogier the Dane is the son of 
my aunt, 'pon my head. ' ' 

*>' 'Everyone must indeed revile and shame me, / For having 
once failed my nephews in such need, / But by that Lord who rose 
from the dead, / 1 shall never again fail my cousins german so. ' ' 

c ' ' You are of the lineage of Grirart de Roussillon ; / And you 
are cousin to Eenaut, the son of old Aymon. ' ' 



INTRODUCTION 7 

And Maugis says to Ogier: 

" Ja f ustes vos cousins Girart de Rossillon, 
Et Doon de Nantueil et due Buef d'Aigremon." a 
(Renaut, p. 205, 12) 

According to the more specific indications of the poem, Ogier 
is the cousin of these three, his father and theirs being sons of 
Doon de Mayence; Aymon is another son, so that his son 
Renaut and Ogier are second cousins, not cousins germains; 
Maugis is the grandson of Bovon, and is therefore the second 
cousin of Renaut. 8 

In the Guillaume cycle nies is frequently applied by one 
cousin to another, especially between Bertrand and Vivien: 
Nies Vivien, or vos verrai morir h {Aliseans, 158) ; Ce est Ber- 
tram tes nies c (Cordres, 1906) ; Bertran mon neveu que j'aim 
de grant bonte 6 - (Enfances Vivien, 4749). Between Vivien 
and Girart, son of Bovon de Commarchis: Ahi! Gerars, biaus 
nies e (Chevalerie Vivien, 985) ; Reposes vos, beas nies 1 (949) ; 
Nies Viviens, ce n'est pas jeus partis 5 (381). Guichart cries 
to Bertrand : Bertran, nies, ou es tu h (Aliseans, ed. Halle, 298, 
variant). Guillaume says to Gaidon: Naie, certes, biaus nies, l 
then : Naie, cousins, dist Guillaumes li fiers j (Moniage Guil- 
laume, 2274, 2287). On the other hand: Li cuens adobat 
son cosing meaning Bertrand, his brother's son (Enfances Vi- 

a ' ' You were indeed cousin to Girart de Roussillon, / And Doon 
de Nanteuil and Duke Bovon d 'Aigremont. ' ' 
b Nephew Vivien, now I shall see you die. 
c He is Bertrand thy nephew. 

a Bertrand, my nephew, whom I love with great affection, 
e Ah ! Girart, fair nephew. 
fRest, fair nephew. 

s Nephew Vivien, this is not an even match, 
k Bertrand, nephew, where art thou? 
i Not I, surely, fair nephew. 
i Not I, cousin, said Guillaume the bold, 
k The Count knighted his cousin. 

8 Cf . Determann, p. 35 and table on p. 49. 



8 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

vien, 3823); Si en mena Bertram,, son chier cosin 3 - (4615 ). 9 
Bertrand is the uncle of Foucon, yet the latter sometimes calls 
him cosins, and the poet speaks of Bertran lo pdlazin et dan 
Foucon, un suen germain cousin b (Foucon de Candle, 620, 
2971, 5943). 

A few scattered examples: Doret reviles his uncle Aiquin, 
who has deserted him: 

"Alas, dist il, cousin desbarate. . . . 
Ja en Bretaigne n'en auray poeste, 
Quant de mon oncle suy enxin degreppe." c 
(Acquin, 2548-2555) 

Alori calls to Gillebert de Clarvent: 

Ses cousins ert, bien le tint a parent; 
" Biaus nies, dist il, pour Dieu alons nous ent." d 
(Enfances Ogier, 817) 
Manuel Galopin is the (illegitimate) cousin of Garin, Begon, 
and Heluis; the latter says to him: 

" Diex, dist la dame, ja es tu mes cousins. 
Por Dieu, biaus nies, dont venez vous ici?" e 
{Garin, II, p. 105) 

The poet states that Girart de Dijon is Cousin le roi de France 
le roion, 1 but King Louis himself exclaims : Mors est mes nies s 

a And he led away Bertrand, his dear cousin. 

b Bertrand the paladin and Sir Foucon, his cousin german. 

c ' ' Alas ! ' ' said he, ' ' discomfited cousin. " . . . / " Now in Brit- 
tany I shall have no power, / When by my uncle I am thus 
abandoned. ' ' 

d His cousin was he, near kin he considered him ; / " Fair 
nephew, ' ' said he, ' ' for Heaven 's sake let us go away from here. ' J 

e ' ' Heaven, ' ' said the lady, ' ( indeed thou art my cousin. / For 
Heaven's sake, fair nephew, whence come you here?" 

f Cousin to the King of France, the realm. 

s Dead is my nephew. 

9 This is according to ms. 1448; ms. 774 reads: son chier ami, 
while the Boulogne ms. has: Et ses cousins li palaisins Bertrant. 



INTRODUCTION 9 

(Moniage Guillaume, 4250, 4261). When Charlemagne hears 
of the havoc wrought in Rome by the pagans, he sends his 
nephew Gui thither: 

Et Guion de Bourgoigne a a lui apelle; 
Fils ert de sa seror et de sa parente: 
" Cosins, vous en irres soeoure la cite." a 
{Destruction de Rome, 1179) 

In another poem Charlemagne says to Gui: Vous estes mes 
cousins et mes parenz privez b (Fierabras, 2310). If we accept 
the statement of Gui that he is the fils aVune des filles au due 
Millon d'Aingler (3406), this use of cousin would be incorrect, 
for the grandson of Milon would be the grand-nephew of the 
Emperor; since in the next verse Gui also calls himself the 
cousin germain Rollant, we had best consider that the poet has 
the genealogy confused, especially as Gui is elsewhere repre- 
sented as the sister's son of the Emperor (Gui de Bourgogne, 
216; Destruction de Rome, 1179) ; cousin in that sense is not so 
uncommon in address. 10 The Emir Galafre refers to the 
death of his nephew at the hands of Huon, saying: 

" .1. mien cousin m'ocist ier au joster, 
Sorbrins ot nom, fix de ma seror ert." c 
(Huon de Bordeaux, 7883) 

The relationship between Bovon and Milon is given as: II 
estoit ses cosins et de sa seror nez (Parise la Duchesse, 664). 
King Louis addresses his sister's son Raoul as Biaus nies Raoul, 
then directly afterwards calls him cousin (Raoul de Cambrai, 
469,475). 

In the verse Renaus a tant en France et parens et nevous 

a And he called Gui de Bourgogne to him; /He was his sister's 
son and his kin. / l ' Cousin, you will go to succor the town. ' * 

b You are my cousin and my close kin. 

c"He slew a cousin of mine yesterday in the tourney; / Sorbrin 
was his name; he was my sister's son." 

io Cf . E. Langlois, Table des Noms Propres. 



10 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

(Benaut, p. 160, 23), the interpretation must be ' cousins ', ac- 
cording to the genealogy given by Determann. 11 There are 
occasional passages in which cosins and nies are used in rhetor- 
ical contrast, yet the implication is not necessarily that the 
poet had a clear distinction in mind: 

"He, Dex! ce dist li rois, com doloirox hustin! 
N'ai mais prochain parant ne nevou ne cosin; 
Tuit son mort an bataille et ale a lor fin." a 
(Saisnes, CCLXVII, 13) 

When Charlemagne tries to starve out the garrison of Montau- 

ban: 

Li uns amis por l'autre vait mu§ant sa quisine, 
Et li fix por le pere, li nies por sa cosine. b 
(Benaut, p. 346, 20) 

Guillaume leaves the battlefield at Aliscans after the death of 
Vivien: lui n'en moine ,ne neveu ne cosin (Foucon, 7). 
The poems do not mention any cousin of Guillaume, and we 
know of none, unless it be the mysterious Gautier de Termes, 
qui fu neveu Aymeri lo her (Mort Aymeri, 156) ; Aymeri ad- 
dresses Gautier as: Biau sire nies, un petit m'entendez (483) ; 
Guillaume calls him Sire Gautier in the printed edition of the 
poem, while the variants give Sire cosins (2211). 12 Leon 
Gautier's analysis of Hernaut de Beaulande says of the mar- 
riage of Hernaut and Fregonde that " le premier fils qu'ils en- 
gendrerent fut cet Aimeri," etc.; 13 this of course does not pre- 

a"Ah, God!" thus spoke the King; "what a grievous strife! / 
I have no more a close relative, neither nephew nor cousin ; / All 
are dead in battle and gone to their end. ' ' 

t> One friend goes hiding his food from the other, / The son 
from the father, the nephew from his cousin. 

c With him he takes neither nephew nor cousin. 

n Epische Verwandtschaften, pp. 43, 49. 

12 Ms. Brit. Mus. Old Roy. 20, Dxi; ms. Bib. Nat. fr. 24370, 
anc. La Vail., 23A. 

is Epopees Frangaises, IV, 217; ms. de PArsenal, 3351, 
f° 33 r°. 



INTRODUCTION 11 

elude the possibility of the birth of other sons whom some of 
the poets may have had in mind as a part of the legend, al- 
though none are specified; thus there is only slight evidence 
that Gautier is the nephew of Aymeri. On the other hand, 
Langlois concludes, after Jeanroy, that Gautier de Termes and 
Gautier de Blaivies are identical with Gautier le Tolosan. 14 
The latter addresses Vivien as nies (Chevalerie Vivien, 1466), 
is connected with Guillaume and is characterized as the fil de 
sa suer (Couronnement Louis, 1648), yet he is not mentioned 
in the list of grandsons of Aymeri (Aymeri de Narbonne, 
4626 il). The evidence is not very conclusive in either direc- 
tion; if we accept the information of the Mort Aymeri, the 
word neveu is to be taken literally, and the poem is thus con- 
sistent in itself; if we adopt Jeanroy's argument, the question 
becomes more complicated, but then we can take the neveu of 
the Mort Aymeri as ' grandson ', which is a not uncommon 
meaning in the legend of Aymeri. 

Still another character whose provenience has aroused dis- 
cussion is Romanz; he is the son of Garin in the Narbonnais 
(4000 ff.), his nephew in the Enfances Vivien. Suchier says: 
" Comme cette derniere chanson ne connait pas un frere de 
Vivien appele Romanz, il a represente Romanz comme etant 
le fils d'une soeur de Garin, bien que dans les Nerbonois il soit 
son fils." Suchier finds nothing unusual in the fact that " il 
traite Aymeri d'oncle, et qu'il en soit appele neveu. Faut-il 
rappeler ici que oncle peut signifier cousin?" 15 

voit son oncle, si Ten a apele . . . 
voit son oncle, si li dist en oiant . . . 
" Je sui ses nies et ses charniex amis " . . . 
" Garissiez hui mon neveu Padure "... 
" Qex sera il, biax nies? " dist Aymeris. a 

(Narbonnais, 4554, 4568, 4703, 4769, 5123) 

a When he sees his uncle, he called him. . . . / When he sees his 

i* E. Langlois, Table des Noms Propres, and Jeanroy, in 
Eomania, XXVI, p. 183, note. 

is H. Suchier, Les Narbonnais, II, pp. x, lix. 



12 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

It is plain here that oncle and neveu correspond to ' grand- 
father' and l grandson'; in the same poem Romanz calls his 
father's brother Guibert both oncle and cosin (5617, 5623 ). ie 
This meaning of l grandson ' occurs less often elsewhere than 
in the Aymeri legend, and there not so often as in the sense of 
1 cousin '. Vivien is called the neveu of Naimon, who is really 
his maternal grandfather (Enfances Vivien, 3207, 3218). 
Vivien himself says: 

" Se ge n'abat des mellors de lor geste, 
Ans ne fui nies Aymeri ne Guillelme." a 
(Chevdlerie Vivien, 1886) 

This last is an interesting passage, inasmuch as nies means first 
'grandson', then ' nephew'. Bertrand, likewise, is Aymeri's 
grandson, but the poet says that Aymeris baisse dant Bertran 
son nevot; b he asks the hand of Nubie for him : Mes nies Ber- 
tranz te demande ta fille; c he addresses him as : Sire Bertranz, 
car i dlez, biaus nies; d and even the Saracens say : 

" C'est Aymeris qui amoine grant force, 
Ses nies Bertranz li conduit riche flote." 

(Prise de Cordres, 2023, 2063, 2325, 2203 ) e 

uncle, he said to him audibly. . . ./"I am his nephew and his 
intimate friend. ' f . . . / " Protect today my nephew, the practised 
warrior. ' ' . . . / ' ' What can it be, fair nephew, ' ' said Aymeri. 

a ' l If I do not hew down some of the best of their race, / Never 
was I ' nephew ' of Aymeri nor of Guillaume. ' ' 

t> Aymeri kisses Lord Bertrand his nephew. 

c My nephew Bertrand asks thy daughter of thee. 

a Sir Bertrand, pray go thither, fair nephew. 

e ' ' It is Aymeri who is bringing a great force, / His nephew 
Bertrand is leading a powerful troop for him." 

isSuehier's edition of the Narbonnais, Vol. I, p. 14:9, note, 
inserts an additional laisse found in mss. Brit. Mus., royal 20 I> 
XI, and Bib. Nat. fr. 24369, dating from about 1300, half a 
century later than the mss. utilized above, in which it is said that 

Romans i fu qui ot le cuer uaillant, 

Eilz de la fille Ay' le sachant. 
Cf. Vol. II, p. iii. 



INTRODUCTION 13 

We read of Kallos li nies Pepin (Chevalerie Ogier, 2934), and 
of Charlos, li nies Pepin, li fiex Charlon, le roi o le cuer fier* 
(Enfances Ogier, 5940). Charlemagne says to Huon, Chatelain 
de Saint Omer, referring to his daughter's son by Ogier: 

" Hue, ne vous chaut d'esmayer, 
Car je ferai vo neveu chevalier, 
Se en aage vient k'armes puist baillier." b 
(Enfances Ogier, 7911) 

Determann makes Aalais the daughter of Loeys in Eaoul de 
Cambrai, thus assuming that neveu applied to Raoul means 
' grandson ' ; 17 but Aalais is distinctly stated to be the sister of 
the King, so that neveu is to be taken in its ordinary meaning : 

" Di ma seror o le simple visaige "... 
" Li miens chiers freres qi France a a garder "... 
" Fix ert vo suer, qe de fit le seit on " . . . c 
{Eaoul de Cambrai, 142, 3561, 4869) 
Icil Raous Seignor, que je vos di, 
De la seror f u le roi Loeiz. d 
(Mort Garin, 3698) 

The term neveu is used also to indicate grandchildren in 
general : 

Et Aimeris et tot si .vi. enfant, 

Et si neveu et si apartenant. 6 
(Aliscans, ed. Halle, 5972) 

a Chariot, the ' nephew ' of Pepin, the son of Charles, the stout- 
hearted king. 

b ' < Huon, you must not be uneasy, / For I will make your 
nephew a knight, / If he comes to the age when he can bear arms. ' * 

c ' ' Tell my sister with the open countenance. ' ' . . . / " My dear 
brother who has France in his keeping. ' ' . . . / * ' He was your 
sister's son, for it is known with certainty. " 

a This Eaoul, my lords, as I tell you, / Was from the sister of 
King Louis. 

e And Aymeri and all his six children, / And his ' nephews ' and 
his near relatives. 

17 Epische Verwandtschaften, p. 24. 



14 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Quens Aymeris a toz ses filz mandez, 
Et ses neveuz et son riche barne. a 

(Mort Aymeri, 552) 
Mes il manda de ses autres amis, 
De ses neveuz la ou il les sot vis, 
Qu'il viegnent a Nerbone. b 

(Mort Aymeri, 549) 

There are two instances of this in the much later Naissance du 
Chevalier au Cygne which it may not be inappropriate to cite 
here, although the poem is not a Chanson de Geste; in the first, 
the mother of the king speaks, in the second it is Lotaire him- 
self, who addresses his sons after they have been changed back 
into human form: 

" Fiux, jo t'ainc autretant com moi, mien escient, 
Et qui tu ameras, amerai le ensement; 
Se j'ai de toi neveu, joie et devinement 
Avra tos jors de moi, et esbanoiement." c 
(Elioxe, 740) 
" Et jou marierai ma fille hautement, 
Soit a roi u a prince u due u amirant; 
Si arai des nevels, s'ierent mi bien aidant." d 
(Elioxe, 2979) 

This appears to be a long list of cases in which oncles, nies 
and cosins are confused, but the confusion is only apparent, 
and nearly always the precise relationship can be plainly made 

a Count Aymeri has summoned all his sons, /And his { nephews' 
and his powerful barons. 

t> But he summoned his other friends, / His l nephews ' wherever 
he knew them to be alive, / That they come to Narbonne. 

c ' ' Son, I love thee as much as myself, I am sure, / And whom 
thou shalt love, I shall likewise ; / If I have ' nephews ' by thee, 
joy and go^d omen / Will always be with me, and delight. ' ' 

a ' l And I shall marry off my daughter nobly, / Either to a king 
or prince or emir; /And I shall have l nephews', and they will b* 
my faithful helpers." 



INTRODUCTION 15 

out. It is evident that nies has a connotation of close and 
affectionate relations, and that the poets frequently apply the 
term in intercourse between cousins, particularly in address, 
when an expression of endearment is desired; by extension, it 
becomes a term of flattery much as does the word amis or 
freres. 18 The study of the French epic shows how natural it 
is that it should have become a term of endearment. Josiane, 
daughter of Bradmund, desires to send a messenger to her 
lover; she calls a man, addressing him as: Beau frere, dist ele, 
vus feres ma volunte 3 - (Boeve de Haumtone, 725); similarly 
Guillaume addresses his nephew Alelme as frere, his niece 
Aaliz as Bele suer, douce amie, ma bele niece, and his wife 
as Dame Guibor, douce suer, bele amie (C ouronnement Louis, 
1790, Aliscans, 3177, 467, ed. Jonckbloet). 19 Baudus, fighting 
with his cousin Renoart and trying to moderate his fanaticism, 
calls him Bainouars, frere, and then explains : Mes cousins est, 
car de m'antain fu nes b (Aliscans, ed Halle, 7275). The 
meaning ' grandson ', which is less common, seems to go back 
to an earlier use of nies, when it had not acquired a settled 
meaning, but was still affected by the original meaning of the 
Latin nepotem. 20 An example cited by Godefroy bears this 
out : " Cil qui nait de moi et de ma feme est en mon poer, et 
cil qui nest de mon fil et de sa feme est mis nies et ma niece, 

a "Fair brother, " said she, "you will do my will." 
t> ' ' He is my cousin, for he was born of my aunt. ' ' 

is Cf. W. A. Stowell, Old-French Titles of Bespect, Chapters 
I and XIII. 

19 The verse of the Halle edition corresponding to this last cita- 
tion, 452 a, reads dous cuer et douce amie, and the editor remarks 
that "die Lesart suer giebt, auf Guiborc bezogen, keinen 
geniigenden Sinn. " As a matter of fact, it is a very common 
term of endearment applied to the wife, occurring particularly 
often in the Willame; furthermore, the majority of the mss. have 
suer in this verse. 

20 Cf . pages 18 and 19 for a tabulated arrangement of the 
Teutonic and Eomance equivalents. 



16 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

et lor enfanz sunt en mon poer." 21 The word is also found 
occasionally in the sense of near relatives as well : A cest mal- 
vais failli roi neveu sommes* says Guillaume, objurgating 
Louis for not sending aid to Vivien (Enfanees Vivien, 3224) , 22 
That these are not to be taken as serious discrepancies is 
attested by the older use of the words in English. It has been 
pointed out that l cousin', 'coz', in the English ballads, prob- 
ably mean c nephew'. 23 Shakspere, mentioning his grand- 
daughter Susannah in his will, calls her his l niece '. Murray's 
New English Dictionary states that i nephew', with the mean- 
ing of i grandson', now obsolete, was common in the seven- 
teenth century, and gives examples from the year 1287 on. 24 
Murray also cites an instance in Shakspere of the use of 
f nephew ' for l cousin ' : 

Henry the Fourth, grandfather to this king, 
Deposed his nephew Richard, Edward's son, 
The first begotten, and the lawful heir 
Of Edward king, the third of that descent. 

(Henry the Sixth, Part I, Act II, Scene 5, 64) 

The archeologist Bachofen draws the conclusion that " der 
altere deutsche und englische Gebrauch ruht auf dem Einfluss 
des romischen," which would be equally true of the Romance 
use. 25 Bachofen's explanation is interesting, because he sees 
in the use of the terms for nephew and grandson an illustration 
of the change from maternal to paternal descent: nepos was 
originally ' sister's son ' among the ancient Etruscans, but 

a We are ' nephews' of that wretched, cowardly king. 

21 Dictionnaire de VAncien Francais, nies, citing Liv. de jost. et 
de plet, I, 9 § 2, Repetti. 

22 Cf . Determann, p. 11. 

23 Gummere, The Sister's Son, p. 141. 

24 In this connection, it may not be amiss to remark that the 
voiced sound of v in the word, which is historically the correct one, 
is still heard in England. 

25 J. J. Bachofen, Antiguarische Brief e, II, p. 122. 



INTRODUCTION 17 

Rome changed the nepos ex sorore into the nepos ex filio vel 
filia, because the grandson continued the family, just as orig- 
inally the sister's son had done; he gives examples in classical 
and mediaeval Latin of what he thinks the earlier use. 26 

Schrader, however, goes farther back and more deeply into 
the matter, showing conclusively the uniformity of formation 
and the stability of meaning of names for the closest kin in 
the Indo-European family in early times, names for father, 
mother, brother, sister, son, daughter; but as regards uncle, 
nephew, grandparents, etc., "there is no uniformity in the 
formation of their names, and the meanings of these names of 
kin seem to have been in a continual state of flux." 27 He gives 
examples to show that "the European languages very fre- 
quently form the name of the mother's brother from a stem 
which also designates the grandfather or grandmother." So 
the Latin avus, whence avunculus > oncle. Diez had already re- 
marked that in the Lex Salica avunculus is used for patruus; 28 
the latter word is lost in the Romance languages, and the exten- 
sion of meaning given to the former is a natural one in a stage 
of family life which begins to see no difference between the 
functions of the mother's and those of the father's brother. 
The confusion between the meanings ' grandfather ' and ' uncle ' 
seems to have its origin in the general development of the avo- 
stem, which originally meant ' forefather ' in general. 29 There 
is a parallel in the derivatives of the stem *nepot-, and Schrader 
expresses the opinion that "when in certain European lan- 
guages derivatives from avo- came to be applied to the mother's 

26 Antiquarische Brief e, II, pp. 113, 117, 119. 

27 O. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, trans, by Jevons, 
p. 369 ff. 

28 Etymclogisches Worterbuch. 

29 Prehistoric Antiquities, p. 379. Cf. the Cymric ewythyr, 
'uncle', 'great-uncle' (paternal or maternal); Cornish eviter> 
eiviter ; Breton eontr ('maternal uncle ')< Celtic *awon-tro, no 
other near equivalent but Latin avun-culu-s, perhaps 'petit aieuV, 
caressing term for maternal uncle (fils de I'a'ieul maternel). 

3 



18 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

brother, the stem * nepot- took the same direction, and was used 
to express relation to the mother's brother and the mother's 
sister." 30 The many citations from the Old French epic 
made in the early part of this chapter show a relation to the 
development in the Teutonic languages as tabulated by Dr. 
Schrader. 31 

With regard to the diversity of usage in the Romance field, 
the following conclusion is reached by Dr. Ernst Tappolet so 
far as the popular speech is concerned: 

" Das Lateinische hat in seinem doppelsinnigen NEPOS eine 
' verhangnissvolle ' Erbschaft hinterlassen. Die hiberischen 
Idiome allein haben die lateinische Hauptbedeutung — mit An- 
schluss und Ersatz der andern — beibehalten. Das gallische 
Spraehgebeit hat die Zweideutigkeit auf die Lange nicht 
ertrangen und durch die ihm eigene adjectivische Zusammen- 

30 Prehistoric Antiquities, p. 379. 
3i Prehistoric Antiquities, p. 374. 

Sanscrit: ndpdt, ndptar = ' descendant ' in general, later ' grand- 
son '. 
Iranian languages: Zend napdt = ' grandson ' ; Greek veTro5es = 
' brood', with derivatives meaning 'child of brother or sister'; 
Latin nepot- = ' grandson ', then later ' nephew '. 
Teutonic languages : Anglo-Saxon nefa = ' grandson, nephew ' ; 
Old Norse nefe = ' kinsman ' ; Old High. German nefo, Middle 
High German neve = ' sister 's son', rarely 'brother's son', also 
'uncle', then 'kinsman' in general (Kluge) ; Old Norse nipt = 
'sister's daughter, niece'; Old High German nift, Middle High 
German nift el, Gothic nithjis = ' cousin ' ; Old Norse nithr = 
' descendant '. 
Old Slavonic : netiji = ' nephew '. 
Old Irish : nia = ' sister 's son '. 

The same material may be found in Kluge's Etymologisches 
Worterbuch, from which Schrader draws. In the seventh (1910) 
edition, Kluge adds that "Luther gebraueht Neffe als 'Enkel'; 
die heutige Bedeutung gait zur Zeit Frisch (1741) nur in vorneh- 
men Kreisen und erst am Schluss des 18 Jahrhunderts ist das Wort 
mit der heutigen Bedeutung schriftsprachlich geworden. " (See 
word Neffe.) 



INTRODUCTION 19 

setzung bei Verwandtschaftsbegriffen den dringend notigen 
Ersatz geschaffen. Das Ital. und Rum. stehen ihm darin weit 
zuriiek und leiden immer noch an der traditionellen Zwei- 
deutigkeit." 32 

He systematizes the situation in a diagram showing that the 
meaning ' grandson' is found in Spanish, Portuguese, Old 
French, Roumanian, Albanian, and that of ' nephew' in Old 
French, Modern French, Rhaeto-Romance, Roumanian, Ital- 
ian, Albanian ; he questions whether the earlier meaning of the 
Latin original remains in the spoken language of Italy, and 
adds : " In der Toscana mag es noch gelegentlich der Fall sein 
unter dem Einfluss der offiziellen Sprache; aber in der Volks- 
sprache des Nordens und Siidens lebt NEPOS = Enkel nicht 
mehr und so ist Italien thatsachlich dem jetzigen Zustand in 
Frankreich nicht mehr gar zu fern." 33 He cites the following 
derivatives in the sense of ' nephew ' : Nepos > altit. nievo; 
altvenez. nievo, nevo; prov. nep-s; altfranco-prov. nes (nevou) ; 
altfranz. nies (neveu) ; rhae.-rom. nefs; alban. nip. Nepotem > 
ital., sard, nipote; Oberitalien, Siidfrankreich, Balearen, 
franeo-prov., rum. nepote; mittel- und nordfranz. neveu. 

It is unnecessary to go further into this linguistic prob- 
lem: Kluge and Schrader make plain the development of the 
stock from ' descendant ' and ' grandson ' to the Latin use of 
1 grandson ', later ' nephew ', and the Teutonic use of ' grand- 
son, sister's son, nephew', while Tappolet shows that in the 
Romance field the double meaning exists only in Old French, 
Roumanian and Albanian, the Spanish and Portuguese adopt- 
ing the meaning ' grandson', the French and Italian that of 
'nephew'. 34 Its importance for present purposes is that the 

32 E. Tappolet, Bomanische VeruwndtscTiaftsnamen, p. 91. 

33J^ V pp. 86, 87. It is a question whether Ms statement may 
not be a little too sweeping, although based on observation of the 
spoken language. 

34 The terms ancle a la mode de Bretagne, ' cousin of one or the 
other parent ', and neveu a la mode de Bretagne, l son of a cousin ', 
undoubtedly have some connection with this development, just 
what has not yet been made clear. 



22 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

In the Narbonnais, we find the father Aymeri equally brutal 
towards his sons; he keeps the youngest at home, sending off 
the others to make their way in the world, and when his wife 
ventures to oppose his harshness, he strikes her to the ground. 
In the end he succeeds (in this poem) only in embittering his 
sons against him. His intentions are doubtless good, but this 
display of the iron hand is a characteristic of the epic father 
which makes the benevolence of the uncle all the more notice- 
able by contrast: 

"Esploitiez vos, que ne vos targiez mie, 
Si issiez tost de ma cite garnie ! 
Que, par celui qui tot a en baillie, 
Se vos i truis demain dedanz complie, 
N'an manroiz arme ne destrier de Sulie, 
Si samblera hontage." a 
{Narbonnais, 296) 

In Guibert d'Andrenas, which is as yet inedited, Aymeri de- 
cides to bequeath his lands to a godson and to disinherit the 
youngest son, Guibert; the latter rebels, exclaiming: 

"Non ferez, pere! par Dieu lo fil Marie! 
Deseriter me volez par folie, 
S'estranges hon a ma terre sesie." b 

Upon his refusal to retract this unfilial speech, Aymeri flies 
into a passion and calls him glos, lechiere, fil a gargon, mauvais 
couart provezf and the browbeaten son submits. 36 In Elie de 

a ' ' Hasten, do not delay at all, / And quickly leave my rich 
city ! / For, by Him who has all in his power, / If I find you here 
tomorrow by the end of complines, / You shall not take away arms 
nor steed of Syria, / And it will seem a shame. 

t> " You shall not do it, father! By God the son of Mary! / You 
wish to disinherit me through madness, / If a stranger is possessed 
of my inheritance. ' ' 

c Eake, dog, low-born son, vile proven coward. 

36 Ms. Brit. Mus., Bib. Keg., 20 B XIX, fol. 152 r°. The cita- 
tions from Guibert were obtained through the courtesy of Professor 
Weeks, who possesses copies of all the mss. of the poem. 



ATTITUDE OF FATHER 23 

Saint Gille, Julien despatches his son under much the same 
circumstances; his intentions, too, are good, for he is endeavor- 
ing to arouse the rather sluggish Elie to a life of activity, but 
he cuts him on 2 from his inheritance, and on driving him forth 
he gives him such a blow that the maddened boy can stand it 
no longer. Elie flees, and after distinguishing himself at a 
tournament refuses to become reconciled to his now admiring 
parent : 

Li vieus li gaint l'espee a son senestre les: 
II a hauciet le paume, se li done .i. cop tel 
Por .i. poi ne l'abat et nel fist enverser. 
Et quant le voit li enfes, le sens quida derver; 
II dist entre ses dens coiement a chele: 
" Dan vieus, mout estes f aus et gangars et enfles ! 
Se l'eust fait .i. autre, ja Teust compere; 
Mais vous estes mes peres, ne m'en doi airer." a 
(Elie, 104; cf. 35-165 ) 37 

a The old man girds the sword upon his left side ; / He raised 
his palm, and gives him such a blow / It almost fells him and 
made him fall backwards. / And when the youth sees this, he 
almost went mad. / He muttered to himself quietly and secretly, / 
' ' My lord, old man, you are false and churlish and proud. / If 
another had done it, he would surely have paid for it ! / But you 
are my father, I must not become angry. ' ' 

37 This passage, as well as the one just cited from Boon de 
Mayence, is a rather far-fetched illustration used by A. Schultz 
(Das Hofische Leben, I, p. 185) as an example of the colee given 
when a youth was adoube; " es ist also der Ritterschlag im G'runde 
nur eine symbolische Handlung, dem Knappen die Erinnerung an 
die guten bei dieser Gelegenheit erhaltenen Lehren noch mehr 
einzupragen. " The symbolical interpretation is undoubtedly 
correct, yet the manner of application in the case of Doon and in 
that of Elie suggests anything but kindly intentions on the part of 
the parent, as is evinced by the anger of Elie when he receives the 
violent blow. Gautier (La Chevalerie, p. 325) represents the father 
as being always unnecessarily brutal in this feature of the cere- 
mony, but states that the colee was of eleventh century origin, 



24 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

In Floovant, the anger of Clovis at his son, who has humiliated 
the seneschal by cutting on 2 his beard while the latter was sleep- 
ing, is so great that he sentences him to exile for seven years. 
Floovant, furious at such unnecessary harshness for a mad 
prank, steals away without taking leave even of his mother, 
qui plus le tenoit ehier que elle ne fagoit son seignor droiturier a 
(156). In the Couronnement Louis, Charlemagne seems to re- 
gard Louis more in the light of a political successor than as a 
son who has a claim upon his fatherly affection. At the coro- 
nation he has no patience with the shyness of the boy, who 
knows not how to act, but reviles him and finally decides to 
make a monk of him. To be sure, the Emperor does show a 
spark of kindliness when Guillaume succeeds in placing the 
crown upon the boy's head : Voit Vempereres, de son enfant fu 
liez h (149). 38 

That parental authority was enforced by blows on slight 
provocation is evident. In Aiol, Elie falls into a rage with his 
son, who has heaped benefits upon him, merely for pretending 
as a jest that his father's old war-horse is dead; the father 
takes a stick and starts to beat Aiol, calling him faus lechieres, 
fol glous desmesures c (Aiol, 8272). When Bertrand, in the 
Enfances Vivien, chafes with eagerness to take part in the 
battle, his father Bernart strikes him and roughly tells him: 
Tais toi, lichieres orguillox, fui desi d (3585), while his uncle 

a Who held him dearer than she did her rightful lord. 

t> The Emperor sees, and rejoiced in his son. 

c False rake, mad, arrogant glutton. 

d Be silent, proud rake, make haste from here. 

and not an essential feature of the adoubement (pp. 270, 286; cf. 
Guilhermoz, Origine de la Noblesse, p. 413). It is significant that 
our texts, while treating the incident in a broadly humorous way in 
the case of the father, are non-committal as to the colee given by 
the uncle. 

38 The reading of the E. Langlois edition (vs. 147) is prefer- 
able: Veit le li pere. In Huon de Bordeaux (85 ff.), Charlemagne 
publicly denounces his son Chariot, giving a long category of his 
defects and errors. 



ATTITUDE OF FATHER 25 

Guillaume good-naturedly puts him off with a laugh, saying he 
is much too young : 

Ot lou Guillaumes s'an a gete .i. ris; 
"Bien sire nies atendes un petit, 
Si m'eist Dex vos estes trop petis." a 
(Enfances Vivien, 3572) 

This same Bernart, in the Charroi de Nimes, urging his unwill- 
ing son to accompany him on the Saracen expedition, loses his 
temper and : Hauce la paume, si li a done grant b (615). Some- 
times the tables are turned and the son assumes the defensive, 
as is seen in the attitude of Antiaume, who has been befriended 
by Aiol, towards his father Rainier, who shelters Aiol over 
night and then treacherously attempts to kill him; his son 
threatens : 

" Se ne fussies mes peres, ja presisse loier 
De vo grant traison a l'espee d'aehier." c 
{Aiol, 7656) 

This is an exceptional case, however; the son never strikes the 
father, and his . attitude is generally one of complete submis- 
sion. In the unpublished manuscript of the Siege de Barbastre 
there is a case of unnecessary brutality on the part of the 
father: Bovon is berating his son Gerart and lauding his own 
prowess; when Gerart tries to excuse himself, the father seizes 
a stick and is about to beat Gerart, but is prevented by the 
others present. 39 

There are numerous examples of the slight value set upon 
the son by the father : in Huon de Bordeaux, Charlemagne con- 
ceives a great liking for Huon, a recent arrival at court, and 
when the latter tells him that he has killed an unknown man, 

a Guillaume heard him and uttered a laugh ; / ' { Fair nephew, 
wait a little ; / So may God help me, you are too little. ' ' 

b Eaises his palm, and gave him a good one. 

c"If you were not my father, I would indeed take toll /For 
your great treachery with my sword of steel. ' ' 

39 Ms. 1448, fonds fr., fol. 124 v°. 



26 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

the Emperor grants him his protection even if the victim 
proves to be his own son: 

" Et, f oi que doi al vrai cors saint Vin§ant, 
Se vous m'avies ochis .i. mien enfant, 
Karlot mon fil, que je paraime tant, 
N'ariies garde de ce jour en avant, 
Se traissons ne vous va encoupant." a 
(Huon de Bordeaux, 1208) 

In Berte aus grans pies, Symon has opened his home to the 
friendless Berte, and becomes so attached to her that he calls 
her his niece and swears that he loves her more than his own 
daughters : Plus Vaim que mes en fans, si soit m'ame sauvee b 
(Berte, 2788). In Anseis de Cartage, Gui nearly kills the 
Saracen Aridafle, whereupon his son, who has come over to the 
French, expresses his indifference and announces his intentions 
of sparing no relative (7251). This attitude of murderous 
fanaticism on the part of the converted Saracens must appeal 
particularly to the poets, so often do they introduce the idea; 
in Aliscans there is an elaborate account of the combat between 
Desrame and his son Renoart, who is christianized. The son 
insults his father's religion, they bandy words, then each tries 
to kill the other, and each escapes by a mere accident (ed. Halle, 
6597). In Baoul de Cambrai, Guerri loses two sons in battle, 
but during a truce utterly neglects to seek their dead bodies, 
so intent is he on finding that of his nephew Raoul, who was 
killed at the same time (3226, 3582 ). 40 

Sons are frequently represented in the epic as being offered 
by the father as hostages, even when death is absolutely cer- 
tain for them. In the Chanson de Roland, Blancandrin sug- 

a ' ' And by the faith that I owe to the true body of Saint Vin- 
cent, / If you had slain a child of mine, / Chariot my son, whom I 
love so very much, / You should have no care from this day on, / 
Unless treachery accuses you. " 

b I love her more than my children, so may my soul be saved. 

40 For citation, see page 42. 



ATTITUDE OF FATHER 27 

gests to the pagan king Marsile that Charlemagne can be in- 
duced to leave Spain by sending to him ten or twenty of their 
sons and by promising to follow him to France and become 
converted; when the time has passed, the Emperor will be 
angry at their breach of promise and will kill the hostages. 
The pagans agree to this, and it is announced to the emperor, 
who is not in the least horrified when Marsile offers his own 
son par num d'ocire: 

" S'en vuelt ostages, e vus Fen enveiez. 
dis o vint pur lui afiancier. 
Enveiums i les filz de noz muilliers; 
Par num d'ocire enveierai le mien. 
Assez est mielz qu'il i perdent les chiefs, 
Que nus perdium l'honur ne la deintet, 
Ne nus seium cunduit a mendeier." 
Paien respundent : " Bien fait a otreier "... 

" Viendrat li jurz, si passerat li termes, 
N'orrat de nus paroles ne nuveles. 
Li Reis est tiers, e sis curages pesmes: 
De noz ostages f erat trenchier les testes ; 
Asez est mielz que la vie il i perdent 
Que nus perdium clere Espaigne la bele 
Ne nus aium les mals ne les suffraites." 
Dient paien : " Issi poet il bien estre." a 
{-Roland, 40 fE.) 

a ' ' If he wishes hostages, do you send him some. / Ten or 
twenty, to give him confidence. / Let us send him the sons of our 
wives ; / Even were he to be put to death, I will send mine. / Much 
better is it for them to lose their heads / Than for us to lose our 
lands and our estates, / And be reduced to begging. ' ' / The pagans 
reply : ' ' It is well to grant this. ' ' . . . / " The day will come, the 
limit will pass, / He will not hear word or news of us ; / The King is 
haughty, and his heart is implacable ; / He will have the heads of 
our hostages cut off; / Better is it that they shall lose their lives, / 
Than that we shall lose bright Spain, the beautiful, / And have 
woe and suffering. "/ The pagans say: "This can well be so." 



28 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

" De cez paroles que vus avez ci dit 
En quel mesure en purrai estre fiz?" 
" Par bons ostages, co dist li Sarrazins, 
Dunt vus avrez o dis o quinze o vint. 
Par num d'ocire i metrai un mien filz. 
E n'en avrez, go quid, de plus gentilz." a 
(Roland, 145) 

In the Couronnement Louis, King Galafre offers his sons in the 
same way, even urging that they be hanged if the terms of the 
agreement are not carried out: 

"Et se c'est chose que de covent vos faille, 
Endui mes filz recevez en ostage, 
Que reangon un denier ne lor vaille, 
Ainz les pendez amedeus a un arbre." b 
(Couronnement Louis, 479) 

There is no indication that the poet tries either to please or 
to shock his hearers by attributing such inhumanity to the 
Saracens, for the offer of sons is accepted each time as a 
matter of course, and the same peculiar attitude is assigned 
to the French as well. In the Enfances Ogier, Gaufroi sends 
his son to the Emperor as hostage; to be sure, there is no dan- 
ger of death specified, and the father does show a little emotion 
at parting with the child: 

Toutes ces choses volentiers otroia, 

Ogier son fill en ostage livra, 

Mais au livrer un petit lermoia. c 
(Enfances Ogier, 218) 

a ' ' These words that you have spoken here, / To what extent can 
I be assured of them?" / "By good hostages/ ' said the Saracen,/ 
' ' Of whom you shall have ten or fifteen or twenty. / At the risk of 
his being put to death, I will add a son of mine. / And you will 
not have, I think, any more noble. " 

t> ' l And if there is anything lacking in the agreement, / Eeceive 
both my sons as hostages ; / Let not ransom avail them a farthing, / 
But rather hang them both to a tree. ' ' 

c All these things he granted willingly ; / Ogier Ms son he* 
delivered as hostage, / But on giving him up he wept a little. 



ATTITUDE OF FATHER 29 

In Renaut de Montauban, it is astonishing to see with what ease 
the Emperor is persuaded to send his son Lohier as messenger 
to Bovon d'Aigremont, on a mission all the more dangerous as 
the implacable Duke has already killed the first envoy; the poet 
does, indeed, represent Charlemagne as having the grace to 
hesitate, but after all the sentiment is perfunctory, and the 
lament which the father utters when he learns of Lohier's 
death lacks the genuineness of the emotion to which the uncle 
so often gives vent (p. 8 if.). Likewise in the Chevalerie Ogier 
the Emperor makes an easy sacrifice of his son Chariot for the 
sake of France when Ogier offers to save the country if Chariot, 
against whom he has a deep grudge, is delivered up to him to 
be put to death (10281 ff.). As Leon Gautier says: "L'Eni- 
pereur consent trop facilement a la mort de Chariot; le pere 
abdique trop tot devant le roi." 41 It is very plainly an after- 
thought of the poet to make the Emperor appear to do this un- 
willingly, and the first impulse of the father is to consent to the 
sacrifice without much urging. In Jourdains de Blaivies, when 
Renier and his wife are imprisoned for refusing to deliver their 
master's son to his enemy, the woman conceives a plan to 
surrender their own son and thus save the life of young Jour- 
dain. The father is deeply affected, but agrees — he will do 
anything fors settlement Dameldieu relenquir* (480 &..). In 
Amis et Amiles, the Queen, who has become interested in 
Amile, offers to find hostages for him as a guarantee of his 
appearance at a combat; she offers herself, her son and her 
daughter : 

"Mes cors meismez le voldra ostaigier, 
Et Belyssans, por cui la bataille iert, 
Bueves mes fiz, qui moult fait a prisier." b 
(Amis et Amiles, 799) 

a Save only to abandon God. 

t> ' * My own self will be willing to be hostage for him, / And 
Belissant, for whom the combat will be, / Bovon my son, who is 
much to be praised. ' ' 

4i L. Gautier, Les Epopees Frangaises, III, p. 252. 



30 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Charlemagne accepts the offer of his wife, and as the time for 
fulfillment approaches, he makes gruesome preparations and 
informs her that he intends to carry out the sentence and that 
the three shall be dismembered and their ashes scattered; for- 
tunately, the sacrifice is rendered unnecessary by the appear- 
ance of a substitute for Amile. In the same poem, Amile 
wishes to aid his friend Ami, who is stricken with leprosy, and 
offers to do anything in his power : 

" Se g'en devoie, quanques a moi apant, 
Vendre, engaigier ou livrer a torment, 
Nes mes douz fiz eertez ou Belissant, 
Si le f eroiie, gel voz di et creant." a 
(Amis et Amiles, 2839) 

When one of the children is told by the father of his inten- 
tion to kill him, he submits willingly, saying: 

" Noz sommez vostre de vostre engenrement, 
Faire en poez del tout a vo talent." b 42 
(Amis et Amiles, 3003) 

We learn from the poet of Gaydon that Savari, though the 
son of Hertaut, is himself no traitor, and that for that rea- 

a ' ' If I had to, all who belong to me, / To sell or pledge or 
deliver them up to torture, / Even my two sons, most certainly, 
or Belissant, / 1 would do it, I tell you and assure you. ' ' 

t> ' ' We are yours, of your begetting ; / You can do with us alto- 
gether after your will." 

42 Power of life and death over the son was not a poetic fiction ; 
Caesar observed it among the Gauls (De Bello Gallico, VI, 18, 19), 
and absolute power was given by law to the father among the 
insular Celts (cf. J. L. Gerig, article on " Morals of the Celts" 
in Hastings' Encyclopedia of 'Religion, vol. V, in press). Among 
the Franks this was somewhat modified by Germanic customs, but 
as late as the Merovingian period, ' ' les pouvoirs du pere de f amille 
sur ses enfants avaient une etendue considerable. II pouvait en 
effet les reconnaitre ou les desavouer, les recueillir ou les aban- 
donner, les garder aupres de lui ou les vendre." (C. Galy, La 
Famille a I'Epoque Merovingienne, p. 380.) 



ATTITUDE OF FATHEE 31 

son his father li fel traitres net moult son heritier 3 - (4178). 
In Aye d' Avignon, we find two young men fighting on the 
side of their uncle against their fathers and betraying to him 
a plot of the latter. 43 One of the most striking cases in which 
son is pitted against father is seen in Renaut de Montauban, 
where Aymon remains faithful to the Emperor and fights for 
him in the long war against his own sons; sometimes they 
meet in battle, and although the father wavers in his duty, 
he nevertheless attacks ; but when Renaut is in a position to 
kill his father, he refrains, for : au bien et au mal doit on son 
pere amer (p. 94, 7). Aymon debates with himself: 

" Se je lais ces glotons, puisque je les vois ci, 
Parjure sui vers Karle, ma foi li sui menti. 
Dame Dex me confonde, se il en vont issi. 
Las ! pechieres dolans ! por coi n'en sunt f ui ? 
Ja en iert la bataille, je le sai tot de fi, 
Et se mi fil i muerent, mult aurai cuer mari." b 
(Renaut, p. 79, 8) 

Many more illustrations might be found in the French epic 
of harshness, lack of affection and downright hostility on the 
part of the father ; the few here presented are merely by way 
of pointing out the contrast in the attitude of the uncle. It 
has been stated by Fellinger that "wer sein Kind lieb hat, 
der zuchtigt es auch," and he cites: 44 

a The villainous traitor deeply hates his heir. 

b ' ' If I leave these knaves, since I see them here, / 1 am fore- 
sworn to Charles, I have belied my pledge to him. / May Heaven 
confound me ; if they go away thus. /Alas! sorrowful sinner 1 
Why did they not flee ? / There will surely be a fight for it, I know 
for certain, / And if my sons perish in it, I shall have a very heavy 
heart. ' ' 

43 For citation, see page 69. 

**F. Fellinger, Das Kind in der altfranzosischen Literatur, 
p. 157, citing 'Be I'Anperis de Borne', etc., in Band II, Nouveau 
Beceuil, par M. Meon. 



32 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Et li peres bat et chastie 
Plus son enfant qui a sa grace 
Que celui que il het ne f ace. a 
One citation of this sort would hardly prove the point, and it 
may be doubted, although there is a certain amount of gen- 
eral truth in the statement, whether such an explanation ap- 
plies to the ill-treatment of the son in our Chansons de 
Geste. 

It is by no means the invariable rule in the French epic 
that the father is made to exercise his paternal authority 
with such brutality that it leads to a family feud; on the 
contrary, there are many passages in which the son is men- 
tioned with pride or treated with kindness, but after all they 
only intensify the general impression that the son is less 
dear and even more of a stranger to the father than is the 
nephew. There are not many instances of such love and 
anxiety on the part of the father as are shown by Elie 
towards Aiol (Aiol, 162-279) ; this is in marked contrast to 
the treatment of Elie by his own father in the first part of 
Elie de Saint Oilles. Instances of affection on the part of 
the Saracen father are found: messengers report to Baligant 
that Roland has killed his son qu'il tant suleie amer h (Roland, 
2782); Marsile mourns the loss of his son: 
" Jo si nen ai filz ne filie ne heir ; 
Un en aveie ; cil f ut ocis hier seir." c 
{Roland, 2744) 
Baligant proudly calls attention to his son: 

" Veez mun filz, ki Carlun vait querant 
E a ses armes tanz baruns calenjant." d 
{Roland, 3375) 
a And the father beats and reprimands / More the child who has 
his favor / Than he does him whom he hates, 
b Whom he was wont to love so much. 

e"I have neither son nor daughter nor heir; /One I had; he 
was slain yesterday evening.' ' 

a ' ' See my son, who goes seeking Charles, / And challenging with 
his weapons so many barons. " 



ATTITUDE OF FATHER 33 

Elie says of the Emir: 

" Plus me het Pamiraus que nul home qui vive : 
Je li ocis son fil Ataignant de Sorbrie." a 
(Elie, 1299) 

At the siege of Antioche, Garsion's son offers to go for aid, 
and the father weeps when sending him into danger: 

" Sire, fait il a lui, g'irai se vous voles ; 

Ne deves par moi estre a nul besoin fauses." 
" Biaus fieus, dist Garsions, cine eens mercis et gre." 

De pitie et de dol est aval aclines, 

Les larmes li degotent fil a fil sor le nes, 

Sansadoine embraga, si le baisa asses. b 
(Chanson d' Antioche, V, 475) 

Corsuble, father of Danemon, moult Vot en grant chierte (En- 
fances Ogier, 587). He grieves at his death: 

Quant voit Corsubles que Danemons ses fis 
Gist sor la terre et que il ert f enis, 
De cuer en fu malement desconfis. d 
(En fances Ogier, 6083) 

Ogier's father scolds his wife for ill-treating the Emperor's 
messengers; he knows that his son, a hostage, must suffer for 
it, and he is much grieved at the prospect: 

a "The Emir hates me more than any man living: /I slew his 
son Ataignant de Sorbrie. ' ' 

b"Sir," says he to him, "I will go if you wish; /You must 
not be abandoned by me in any need. " / ' ' Fair son, ' ' said 
Garsion, ' ' five hundred times thanks and gratitude. ' ' / With pity 
and grief he bowed himself ; / The tears drop in a stream upon his 
nose ; / He embraced Sansadoine and kissed him repeatedly. 

cHeld him in great affection. 

a When Corsuble sees that Danemon his son / Lies upon the 
ground and that he was dead, /He was greatly discomfited at 
heart by it. 
4 



34 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Forment Fen blasme et chastie et reprent. 
Bien set c' Ogiers le comparra griement; 
Dedenz son cuer en ot grant mariment, 
Ne set que f aire, ne puet estre autrement. a 
(Enfances Ogier, 337) 

When Ogier and his father meet at last: Be lie cuer Vot ses 
peres regarded (Enfances Ogier, 8008) ; Ogier, in speaking of 
his (natural) son Bauduinet, says: Un fil avoie, Bauduinet qe 
j'oi chier c (Chevalerie Ogier, 6092). In the Mort Bauduinet, 
edited by Voretzsch, the affection of Ogier for his son pervades 
the Chanson, and his grief at Bauduinet's death is expressed in 
very touching words. Guillaume explains the hatred of Duke 
Richard for him as natural : 

" Et il me het plus que home del mont ; 
Son fill oeis, que por voir le set hon." d 

And the Duke upbraids him : 

" Tu me tolis le meillor heritier 
Qui onques fust soz la chape del ciel." e 
(Couronnement Louis, 2104, 2124) 

Anseis, besieged with a starving garrison in Estorge, is wor- 
ried over the condition of his wife and children: 

Dedens Estorges fu li vivres faillis, 
N'ont pas viande a paser le tierc dis. 
Dolens en est li bons rois Ansei's 
Et plus li poise de ses enfans petis; 

a Greatly he blames her for it and reprimands and reproaches 
her ; / Well he knows that Ogier will pay for this dearly ; / In his 
heart he had great grief; / He knows not what to do; it cannot 
be otherwise. 

t>With a glad heart his father looked at him. 

c A son I had, Bauduinet, whom I held dear. 

a ' l And he hates me more than any man in the world ; / 1 slew 
his son, and truly people know this. ' ' 

© * ' Thou tookest from me the best heir / That ever was under 
the mantle of the sky. ' ' 



ATTITUDE OF FATHEE 35 

Pour la roine estoit forment maris . . . 
"Ma feme va de fain color muant 
Et mi doi fil, dont me vois dolosant." a 

(Anseis de Cartage, 7576, 8280; cf. 8336, 8416) 

Even Ganelon the traitor shows a spark of paternal affection for 
his son Baudoin, but he only makes use of him as a last argu- 
ment to avoid being sent to Spain as the Emperor's messenger : 

"En Sarraguce sai bien qu'aler m'estoet: 
Hum ki la vait repairier ne s'en poet. 
Ensurquetut si ai jo vostre soer. 
Si 'n ai un filz, ja plus bels n'en estoet: 
(7est Baldewins, se vit, ki ert prozdoem. 
A lui lais jo mes honurs e mes fieis. 
Guardez le bien, ja ne V verrai des oilz." b 
{Boland, 292) 

In such passages as the above the sentiment appears per- 
functory — the dramatic situation requires an expression of 
emotion. The father hates the slayer of his son, laments the 
loss of his heir, embraces the son who brings him aid or good 
tidings — such phases of affection, expressed largely by means 
of stock formulas, are not very convincing, especially as they 
represent an episode, and not a theme. More important is the 
fact that the Narbonnais represents the youth Romanz as fight- 
ing at Narbonne in company with his father Garin (4000 ff.) ; 

a WitMn Estorge the food had given out, / They have not food 
enough to pass the third day. / Grieved at this is good King 
Anseis, / And the thought of his little children weighs more upon 
him ; / For the Queen he was deeply grieved . . . / l ' My wife goes 
about pale with hunger, / And my two sons, wheref or I go 
lamenting. ' ' 

b ' l To Saragossa I know that I must go ; / He who goes there 
cannot return. / But, especially, I have your sister. / And I have a 
son by her; one would not need a finer. / That is Baudoin, who, if 
he lives, will be a valiant man. / To him I leave my lands and my 
fiefs. / Tak3 good care of him; I shall not see him more." 



36 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

this association of father and son is not frequent. Likewise 
the pathetic description of the sufferings of Ami when he is 
about to kill his children shows more genuine emotion (Amis 
et Amiles, 2967 ft.), as does the passage in the Enfances Vivien 
which depicts Garin's hesitation to accept the sacrifice of his 
son (244). 45 Of a certain importance in a general way is the 
remark of Louis about a troop going to a tournament : F'ier m'i 
puis com pere en son anfant a (Foucon, 7688), but affection, as 
well as fidelity, are rather a characteristic of the son than of 
the father. There is a curious comparison in the Siege de 
Barbastre which may be adduced in support of the theory that 
the relation of son did not imply any deep affection to the 
mediaeval poet : the French arrive at Barbastre and succor the 
besieged Bovon; he and his two sons see them, and throwing a 
mantle around him, with a son on either hand, Bovon joyously 
descends to meet his friends. 46 The poet adds: Bien re- 
semble baron entre ses .ii. norris. h That is, in order to depict 
by a glowing simile the father and son in this happy moment, 
the poet paints them in terms of nourris, as if that relation 
were closer than that of son. Since nephews were often 
brought up by the uncle, that fact may have helped to give 
the word some of its expressiveness. Such passages are scat- 
tered, as indeed are those that mention the son at all, while 
nephews are introduced into the story on every possible occa- 
sion, and their intimate relations with the uncle dwelt upon so 
insistently that the reader instinctively feels that there must 
be an underlying reason. 

a I can rely upon them as a father upon his child. 
t> Much does he resemble a baron between his two foster- 
children. 

45 The late prose version expatiates much more at the beginning 
on Garin's love for Vivien, but his tears and prayers are well 
represented afterwards in ms. A. 

46 Ms. Bib. Nat., 1448, fonds fr., fol. 144 r° ; the use of this 
citation is due to the kindness of Professor Weeks, who has a 
copy of part of the ms. 



ATTITUDE OF FATHER 37 

There is a very large number of passages dealing with the 
general attitude of the uncle which cannot be classified under 
any characteristic or attribute; a selection from them at this 
point will both serve to mark the different spirit which actu- 
ates their use from that distinguishing the citations just given, 
and will also indicate the esoteric tone which characterizes the 
poetic treatment of the uncle-nephew relations. 

It is significant that in the Chanson de Roland no mention 
is made of the father of the preux chevalier; it is his relation- 
ship to the Emperor alone that counts as a poetic theme. Plan- 
ning treason, Ganelon refers to the great pride which Charle- 
magne has in Roland; his death will be an intolerable blow to 
the Emperor's ambition : 

" Carles verrat sun grant orgoill cadeir, 
N'avrat talent que jamais vus guerreit." a 
(Roland, 573) 

When the Emperor learns that his nephew is to be in the rear- 
guard, the most dangerous position, on the homeward march 
from Spain, he at first falls into a great rage, and then is over- 
come with concern: 

Quant l'ot li Reis, fierement le reguardet; 
Si li a dit: "Vus estes vifs diables; 
El* cors vus est entree mortel rage "... 
Li Emperere en tint sun chief enbrunc ; 
Si duist sa barbe e detoerst sun gernun; 
Ne poet muer que de ses oilz ne plurt. b 
(Roland, 745, 771) 

a * ' Charles will see his great pride fall ; / He will have no more 
desire to wage war upon you. ' ' 

t>When the King hears him, he looks at him haughtily; /And 
said to him : ' ' You are the devil in person ; / Into your heart has 
come deadly rage. ' ' . . . / The Emperor at this held his head 
bowed ; / He stroked his beard and twisted his moustache ; / He 
cannot keep the tears from his eyes. 



38 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

When it is decided to submit Ganelon's fate to the jugement de 
Dieu, the Emperor prays for the success of his champion, and 
after the victory he takes Thierry in his arms and dries his 
face for him; this is all for Roland's sake (Roland, 3815 ft). 
In Gui de Bourgogne, Sanson has been a messenger to the 
mysterious new king of France, his own son, whom he does 
not recognize, but on reporting to the Emperor how pleased he 
was with him and how he embraced him, Charlemagne's affec- 
tion makes him intuitive, and he exclaims: 

" Sanses, dist Pemperere, par la vertu du ciel, 
Je quit c'est vostre fis et de vostre moillier; 
Maris estes ma suer, je quit qu'il est mes nies." a 
(Gui de Bourgogne, 3166) 

When the Emperor and Gui finally meet, the poet shows us a 
picture of deep tenderness : 

Karles connut Guion, s'est encontre levez; 
Andeus, brace estendue, se sont entr'acole. 
Ains peust on avoir une grant liue ale 
Que il s'entrelassassent, ne peussent parler. b 
(Gui de Bourgogne, 3950) 

In the Guillaume cycle, the affection of Guillaume for Viv- 
ien parallels that of Charlemagne for Roland; many details 
correspond in the two cases: for instance, the famous passage 
in which Roland blows his horn and his uncle hears it and 
instinctively knows whose it is, has a counterpart in the Che- 
valerie Vivien: 

Li Emperere s'estut, si l'escultat: 

" Seignurs, dist il, mult malement nus vait. 

a l ' Sanson, ' ' said the Emperor, ' ' by the virtue of Heaven, / I 
think it is your son and your wife's; / You are the husband of my 
sister; I think he is my nephew." 

b Charles recognized Gui and rose to meet him' ; / Both, with 
arms outstretched, embraced. / One could have gone a full league / 
Before they parted, or could speak. 



ATTITUDE OF FATHER 39 

Rollanz mis nies hoi eest jur nus defalt; 
J'oi a 1' corner que gnaires ne vivrat." a 
(Eoland, 2105) 

u C'est Viviens qui sone lai eel cor, 
Bien l'ai oi't et al son et as mos ; 
Tant est aquis que pres est de la mort." b 
(Chevalerie Vivien, 1530) 

In the Aliscans, Guillaume addresses himself to the dead youth, 
extenuating his inability to bear him away from the field of 
battle : 

" Biau nies, dist il, moult vos avoie chier ; 
Se je vos leis nus n'en doit merveillier, 
N'en doi avoir honte ne reprovier, 
Car n'est horns nez qui t'en osast portier." c 
(Aliscans, 971) 

In the Cangun de Willame, Guiburc commends her nephew 
Guisehard to the care of her husband: 

" Sire Guillehnes, jot charger ai Guischart. 
II est mis nies : mult est pruef de ma cham." d 
{Willame, ed. Suchier, 1035) 

The contrast between father and uncle is well marked in the 
Enfances Vivien, where Guillaume is throughout the nearest 

a The Emperor stopped and listened ; / " My lords, ' ' said he, 
"it goes ill with us. / My nephew Eoland this day is lost to us; / 
I know by the sound of his horn that he will not live long. ' ' 

b ' l It is Vivien who is sounding there that horn ; / I have heard 
it well both by the sound and by the strains ; / He is so exhausted 
that he is near death. " 

c ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said he, ' ' full dear I held you ; / If I leave 
you, none must marvel, / Nor must I be shamed nor reproached, / 
For there is no living man who would dare to bear you away. " 

d ( ' My lord William, I shall entrust Guischart to you. / He is my 
nephew, and is very near to me." 



40 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

and dearest; Garin plays a passive role, but the uncle under- 
takes the rescue of Vivien, going to Louis to implore his aid: 

"Or vigne avant mes sires droituriers; 
De lui mei'smes me volrai conseiller 
Com f aitement aura secors mes nies." a 
(Enfances Vivien, 2998, ms. 1448) 

In the Willame, the pagans separate the uncle from the nephew 
quil poeit tant amer h (2065). In Aymeri de Narbonne, the 
love of Guillaume for the four sons of his sister, the wife of 
Droon de Montdidier, is indicated as a matter of course : 

Forment les dut Guillaumes avoir chier: 
Neveu furent au eonte. c 
(Aymeri, 4634) 

Girart comes across Aymeri, son chier neveu que il a tant ame d 
(Aymeri, 4310). Girart, rescuing his nephew from a dan- 
gerous attack by the enemy, is characterized as si ami et si dru e 
(4355). From this moment the two are inseparable, and their 
names are constantly linked together in the rest of the poem. 
In the Enfances Ogier, Charlemagne decides not to kill the 
hostage Ogier, but to parole him in the care of his uncle 
Naimon, who: son neveu avoit moult de cuer chier 1 (436). 
The pagans, black as they are painted, still have family affec- 
tions similar to those of the Christians: Machabre threatens 
with dire privations Doon, qui ochist mon neveu que tant avoie 
ame g (Gaufrey, 1578). A plain case where the nephew is pre- 

a ( ' Now let my rightful lord come forward ; / 1 want to be 
advised by him / How and in what way my nephew shall have 
assistance. ' ' 

t>Whom he loved so much. 

c Passing dear must Guillaume have held them : / They were 
nephews to the Count. 

d His dear nephew whom he loved so much. 

e His friend and his intimate. 

f Held his nephew dear at heart. 

sWho slew my nephew whom I loved so much. 



ATTITUDE OF FATHER 41 

f erred to the son is found in Aliscans, where Desrame encour- 
ages his nephew Baudus to attack his son Renoart (ed. Jonck- 
bloet, 6322 if.) ; of course in this instance the son is an apos- 
tate, and it is a general principle to attack relatives under 
such circumstances, yet it must be admitted that such treatment 
of a nephew or an uncle is hardly to be found. 47 The only 
example at hand is in the threats of Huidelon against Escor- 
faut and Emaudras in Gui de Bourgogne, but this part of the 
poem contains so many supernatural elements that its testi- 
mony as an early document is impaired: 

"Je ferai cest mesage, bien le sachons de fi, 
Vers le roi Escorfaut que mes peres norri; 
Certes, il est mes nies, par verte le vos di . . . 
Se il veut trespasser ne mes fais ne mes dis, 
N'i aura amiste vaillant .i. angevin." a 
(Gui de Bourgogne, 3208) 

" On l'apele Maudrane, Escorfaut respondi, 
Si la tient Emaudras, .i. cuivers maleis; 
II fu de ma serour nez et angenoi's." b 
(Gui de Bourgogne, 3476) 

Perhaps the most striking illustration of the preference for the 
nephew occurs in Raoul de Cambrai, in the poignant scene 
where Guerri forgets his dead sons while seeking for the body 
of his nephew Raoul ; on finding the body he opens it, takes out 
the heart, and calls the knights to admire it : 

Par la bataille vont les mors reversant. 
Qi trova mort son pere ou son effant, 

a lt I will carry this message, know for certain, / To King Escor- 
faut, whom my father brought up ; / Assuredly, he is my nephew, 
I tell you truly ; / If he wishes to baffle my deeds or my words, / 
Friendship will not count an angevin 's worth. " 

b ' ' They call it Maudrane, ' ' Escorfaut replied, / ' ' And Emau- 
dras holds it, an accursed knave ; / He was conceived and born of 
my sister. ,, 

47 Cf. page 26. 



42 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Neveu ou onele ou son apartenant, 
Bien poes eroire, le euer en ot dolant. 
Et Guerris va les siens mors recuellant; 
Andeus ces fix oublia maintenant 
Por son neveu Raoul le combatant. 1 
(Baoul de Cambrai, 3227) 

Then when RaouFs mother reproaches him with not having 
protected her son, he exculpates himself by telling her how : 

"Por mon neveu qe j'en fis aporter, 
Me covint il mes .ij. fils oublier 
Qe vi ocire et les menbres eolper. 
Bien me deiist li cuers el cors crever." b 
{Baoul de Cambrai, 3583 ) 48 

In passages like the above, depicting the general sentiments 
of the uncle, the actual phraseology is of less importance than 
the underlying point of view on the part of the poet; the use 
of stock phrases is quite as general as when he is dealing with 
the attitude of the father, mon neveu que avoie chier having no 
more ethical value than mon fils que avoie chier. By them- 
selves, these phrases would have little weight, but in the con- 
nection in which they occur is evident the deep feeling which 
characterizes everywhere the attitude of the uncle, so that they 
become the manifestation of a permeating atmosphere and thus 
acquire a deeper significance than the fragmentary and cur- 
s' Over the battlefield they go, turning up the dead. / Whoever 
found his father dead, or his child, / His nephew or uncle or near 
relative, / You may well believe, had a grief -stricken heart at 
this. / And Guerri goes collecting his dead ; / Both his sons he 
torgot now, / For his nephew Baoul the warrior. 

b ' ' For my nephew, whom I brought away, / It was necessary 
for me to forget my two sons / Whom I saw killed and dismem- 
bered. / Verily, my heart should have broken within me. ' ' 

48 To be sure, Baoul had been entrusted to the care of his uncle 
(vss. 317, 3589), but in any case the situation would have been 
the same. 



ATTITUDE OF FATHER 43 

sory allusions to an occasional vein of sympathy on the part 
of the father. This opinion is intensified by an examination of 
the various points of contact between uncle and nephew, classi- 
fied separately, which can be so arranged as to give an almost 
continuously moving picture, so to speak, of their mutual re- 
lations. 



CHAPTER II 

Points of Contact between Uncle and Nephew 
(a) Fosterage 

It is not surprising that the French epic gives little detailed 
information about the relations between uncle and nephew 
before the latter has reached the age of knighthood, when the 
uncle's interest seems to become more acute; it is natural that 
in poems devoted to the celebration of martial deeds children 
should play an unimportant part. Still, many of the poems 
make fragmentary allusions to the fosterage of the child by his 
uncle, a practise well understood by the poet's audience, since 
it was a common thing for children to be educated or trained 
elsewhere than in the paternal house. In the legend of Roland 
the child becomes a protege of Charlemagne when about eight 
years old; the Chanson de Roland represents the hero at the 
point of death as longing for France and for the uncle hi 
V nurrit (2379). 49 According to the Benaut de Montauban, 
Ogier has been brought up by Girart de Roussillon, Doon de 
Nanteuil and Bovon d'Aigremont; these three, says he, furent 
mi oncle hi m'ont soef nori a (p. 215, 23). In Doon de May- 
enee, when Doon has reached the age of fifteen, he is sent by 
his father to the latter's brother, who will teach him to fight, 
provide him with armor and a horse, and make him a knight 
(2114). In Aiol, Makaire is the uncle of Feraut and several 

a Were my uncles, who reared me tenderly. 

49 On nourrir, ef. P. Guilhiermoz, Origine de la Noblesse, p. 431, 
note 54, where exception is taken to the technical sense given on 
p. 186 of Gautier's La Chevalerie, and references are given to the 
Vulgate and to Saint Augustine and to Racine, showing that 
nutrire and nourrir have the more general force of elever. 

44 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 45 

others, who we are told are si neveu et de sa noriehon a (4617, 
7203). In Garin le Loherain, Bishop Henri takes Garin and 
Begon, the sons of his brother Hervi, and they remain with 
him seven years and a half (I, 61). In Auberi le Bourgoing, 
Basin gives his son Auberi into the care of his brother Henri, 
who carries him off: to Ostenne and ill-treats him (p. 7) ; here 
we have an example of the wicked uncle, to be discussed later. 50 
Tibaut d'Aspremont calls the Abbe de Saint Denis his uncle 
and nurturer (Gay don, 69-74). Rigaut hotly denounces his 
uncle's murderers: Mort ont Begon, qui soef me norri b (Mort 
Garin, 1032.) 

In the legend of Vivien as given in Aliscans, Vivien and his 
young brother Guichardet have been brought up for seven 
years by their uncle Guillaume : 

" Je vos nouri par molt grant chierete. 
Et ma moillier au gent cors henore 
Biaus sire nies, tant vos avoit ame, 
.vii. ans tos pleins geiis a son coste." c 
(Aliscans, ed. Halle, 783) 

In the Willame, it is fifteen years, and Vivien reminds Gui- 
burc of this when imploring her for aid : 

" Sez que diras dame Guiburc ma drue ? 
Si li remembret de la grant nurreture, 
Plus de quinze anz qu'ele at vers mei oiie." d 
(Willame, ed. Suchier, 685) 

a His nephews and his foster-children. 

t> They have killed Begon, who gently reared me. 

c ' l I brought you up in great affection. / And my wife, comely 
and honored, / Fair nephew, loved you so much, / Full seven years 
thou layest at her side." 

a^Knowest thou what thou shalt say to Guiburc, my beloved 
lady % I Whether she remembers the long bringing up, / More than 
fifteen years, that she gave me. ' ' 

so See page 108 ff. 



46 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Professor Cloetta, wishing to account for the great affection 
existing between Vivien and Guillaume, tries to reconcile the 
contradictory statements of the different poems as to the paren- 
tage of Vivien and his fosterage by Guillaume. 51 He decides 
that the poet of the Chevalerie omits all references to Vivien's 
parents because otherwise he would have had to account for 
Vivien's being brought up by his uncle instead of at home; he 
quotes a verse from Aliscans to show that Vivien's parents 
were dead : 

" Je sui tes oncles, n'as ore plus prochain, 
Fors Damedieu, le verai souverain." a 

(Aliscans, ed. Guessard, 827, ed. Jonckbloet, 888) 

Professor Bedier, likewise, argues that the parents have been 
dead for years, " car jamais la pensee de Vivien ni de personne 
ne va vers eux." 52 It does not seem to require any explana- 
tion, however, inasmuch as it can be set down as one of the 
many instances in which the uncle is dearer than the father. 
In the Enfances Vivien, in which both parents appear, the 
uncle is again the nearest and dearest. 53 It is worthy of note 
that throughout the French epic the poet practically loses sight 
of the parents, when once he has set himself to depicting the 
affection between uncle and nephew; seemingly it matters little 
whether the parents appear in the story or not — to the poet 
and to his audience the important thing is the fact of tutelage 
by the uncle. 

The nourri recurs continually in the Chansons de Geste, and 

a ' ' I am thy uncle, thou hast now none nearer, / Save the Lord 
God, the true sovereign." 

si W. Cloetta, Die Enfances Vivien, p. 72 ff. 

52 J. Bedier, Legendes Epiques, I, p. 409. The argument of 
Cloetta based on the use of the past tense, filz fu Garin, is much 
more potent, as the epic poems commonly make use of this tense 
to indicate that the parent is dead, when speaking of a living 
character. 

53 Cf. pages 25, 40, 50. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 47 

upon him the seigneur relies, but particularly so when the 
nourri is also a nephew, as is often the case. " II nait, en effet, 
une sorte de parente entre le nourri et le seigneur qui l'a eleve, 
entre l'adoube et le seigneur qui lui a donne les armes. Elever 
un enfant c'est prendre la place du pere." 54 A German 
writer expresses the opinion, contrary to that of Flach, Lavisse 
and Gautier, that the institution of the nourri was not a con- 
temporary practise, but rather a poetical motif. 

" Es wird uns denn sehr wahrscheinlich, dass der Nourri in/ 
der damaligen Epik lediglich als episch-poetisches Motif J 
lebendig war. Es lag bereits den altesten und beruhmtesten 
Epen, wie z. B. dem Rolandslied und Aliscans, zugrunde und 
wurde Wohl hauptsachlich um dieser Vorbilder willen von den 
spateren Dichtern immer aufs neue benutzt." 55 

This writer has, however, enough material from other poems 
in his dissertation to show that the part of imitation is very 
slight, and that the cause must be deeper; he suspects its 
connection with primitive conditions of society, but does not 
take advantage of his material. 56 



(b) Knighthood 

The first really important step in the life of the young bace- 
ler is taken when through the ceremony of adoubement he en- 
ters the ranks of knighthood, and thus becomes an active mem- 
ber of feudal society. 57 He is now an armed horseman, a 
chevalier, and by virtue of this position his epic interest now 
begins. While it was ordinarily the privilege of the king to 
perform the ceremony of knighting, the poets frequently allot 

54 J. Elach, Le Compagnonnage, p. 155. 

55 Schubert, Der Pflegesohn, p. 52. 

56 Eoland is mentioned as the nourri of the Emperor in Boland, 
2380, and Girart de Vienne, p. 156. In the Provencal Girart de 
Boussillon, ' ' Aimon, Aimeri et Andef roi etaient neveux de Thierry : 
ils avaient ete eleves chez lui. C'est lui qui les avait armes et 
equipes." (Traduction Meyer, p. 114, §213.) 

57 Cf . Stowell, Titles of Bespect, p. 83. 



48 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

that honor to the uncle of the youth; in the Charlemagne 
legend, it is king and uncle in the same person who dubs his 
nephews knights. 58 This is done under various circumstances : 
the youth is sometimes fostered and trained in the arts of war 
by his uncle, then knighted by him, sometimes he is sent by 
his father to the uncle for that particular purpose, or again, the 
honor is conferred after the young man has won his spurs in 
battle. 

The example of Roland always comes first to the mind, for in 
the relations between him and the Emperor occur virtually all 
the many characteristics which make the epic poems so remin- 
iscent of that early state of society when the mother's brother 
stood in reality in closest connection with the child. While the 
Emperor is planning to lay siege to the castle of Renaut at 
Montauban, his nephew Roland, still a mere youth, comes to 
join the army; the Emperor receives him warmly and knights 
him, then sends him in command of twenty thousand men to 
Cologne to subdue the Saxons; on seeing his nephew so unex- 
pectedly make his appearance and on learning who he is, Char- 
lemagne declares straightway : Bias nies, nos vos adoberon; a 
then the poet tells us that : 

Karles nostre emperere ot le euer forment lie 
Por amor de Rollant c'on li a envoie. b 
(Benaut de Montauban, p. 120) 

The account in Aspremont of Roland's knighting differs from 
this — as related by Gautier, it takes place in the gorge of As- 
premont after Roland has defeated Eaumont in single combat 

a Fair nephew, we will dub you knight. 

b Charles, our Emperor, had a glad heart, / For love of Eoland, 
who was sent to him. 

58 For examples of knighting by the King in mediaeval history, 
cf. Guilhiermoz, Origine de la Noblesse, p. 412 ff. ; cf. also L. 
Gautier, La Chevalerie, p. 259 ff. The Chansons de Geste give this 
office to the king less frequently than one would suppose from these 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 49 

and by wresting from him his famous sword Durendal has 
saved his uncle's life. "Peu de temps apres, en presence du 
Pape et de tous ses barons, PEmpereur ceignait solennelle- 
ment Durandal a son neveu Roland; Naimes et Ogier lui at- 
tachaient les eperons et l'Apostole benissait le nouveau che- 
valier." 59 But it must be borne in mind that here, as in all his 
other relations with Roland, it is as uncle and not as Emperor 
that Charlemagne is acting. At the beginning of Anse'is de 
Cartage, Charlemagne is represented as knighting the young 
Anseis, his nephew, to whom he gives Spain and Carthage as a 
fief (Anse'is, 100 if.). The knighting of Vivien by Guillaume 
is mentioned in several poems; in the Enfances Vivien, after 
the youth has been restored to his parents he soon tires of 
home life and longs to go to Orange to see his uncle: 

"Je sui grans si sui fors et sai .xv. ans pases; 
Je deusse bien estre chevaliers adoubes; 
Je voel aler a Orange en non De 
Veoir mon oncle Guillaume au cort nes " . . . 60 
"Si m'adoubra mes oncles Guillaumes li doutes, 
Qui tant a de proeche." a 

(Enfances Vivien, 4745 if.) 

He goes, and presents his request to the great hero, who 
grants it; as we are told in the Chevalerie Vivien, out of love 

a "I am large and am strong and am fifteen and more; /I 
ought really to be dubbed knight. / 1 want to go to Orange, by 
Heaven, / To see my uncle Guillaume with the short nose. ' ' . . . / 
"And he will knight me, my uncle Guillaume the formidable, / Who 
has such prowess. ' ' 

59 Gautier, Les Epopees Frangaises, III, p. 87, with reference to 
Aspremont, ms. Bib. Nat., fr. 25529, f° 55 v°. 

eo The reading cort is retained, and translated ' short ', although 
recent conclusions are that it was an early scribe's misreading of 
euro, which occurs in the Willame, and is then translated by 
' crooked \ 
5 



50 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

for his nephew the uncle knights a hundred others at the same 
time: 

A Pantecoste, que l'on dit en estei, 

Ot Vivien, son nevol, adoubei, 

Lou fil Garin, .i. suen ami charnei; 

Por soie amor en ot .m. adobes. a 
(Chevalerie Vivien, 7) 

There is a reference to the fact also in Aliscans : 

" Quant jou a Termes vos oi armes done, 
Por vostre amor i furent adoube 
.c. cevalier tout d' armes conrae." b 
(Aliscans, ed Halle, 784) 

Previously to this, Guillaume had already dubbed his nephew 
Bertrand knight; it is significant that when he wants to fight 
against the Saracens in the Enfances Vivien, Bertrand asks 
permission of his uncle, not of his father, who is nevertheless 
standing near by : 

A sa vois clere a escrier s'est pris: 
" Honcles, dist il, entendes en vers mi ; 
Je voil les armes que tant ai deservi." c 
(Enfances Vivien, 3565) 

Guillaume puts him off with a promise, because he is at pres- 
ent too young: 

" Dega Orenges me dones .1. respit 
Lors vos f erai chevalier se ge vif ." a 
(Enfances Vivien, 3579) 

a At Pentecost, which they say is in summer, / He knighted 
Vivien, his nephew, / The son of Garin, and a dear friend of his ; / 
For love of him he knighted a thousand others. 

b ' ' When I gave you arms at Termes, / Por love of you were 
knighted there / A hundred chevaliers all equipped with arms. ' ' 

c In his clear voice he began to cry, / ' ' Uncle, ' ' said he, ' ' listen 
to me; /I want the arms which I have so well deserved." 

d l ' Give me a respite as far as Orange, / Then I will make you a 
knight if I live. " 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 51 

Nevertheless the impetuous boy rushes off into the battle and 
performs so maany brave deeds, including a rescue of his 
father from the hands of the enemy, that after the fight it is 
decided to reward him, and so : Li cuens Guillaumes adobat son 
cosin & (Enfances Vivien, 3823 ). 61 When Vivien is knighted, 
his brother Guichard is too young to receive arms at the same 
time, so he is left at home with his aunt Guiborc; when he 
learns of Vivien's distress, he persuades her to grant him 
arms and he rushes off to the rescue; learning of his presence, 
Guillaume is pleased, despite this violation of his commands: 
Ot lou Guillelmes, si lo cort acoler h (Chevalerie Vivien, 1357). 
The same fact is stated in the Caneun de Willame; Guiborc 
arms Gui, who is only fifteen years old, and sends him to join 
Willame : 

" Se jo n'i vois en l'Archamp desur mer, 
Ja ne verras Guillelme ot le curb nes; 
E si jo vois voldrai l'en amener." 
Respunt Guiburc: "Dune te larrai aler." 
Dune li vestirent une petite broigne, 
Un petit helme li lacierent desure, 
Petite espee li ceinstrent, mais mult bone, 
Al col li pendent petite targe duble, 
Puis li aportent une petite lance. . . . c 
(Willame, ed. Suchier, 1539 ) 62 

a Count Guillaume knighted his cousin. 

t> Guillaume hears him, and runs to embrace him'. 

c " If I go not to Archamp by the sea, / Thou wilt ne 'er see 
Guillaume with the crooked nose; / And if I go, I want to bring 
him back. "/ Guiburc replies: "Then I will let thee go. "/Then 
they clothed him in a little coat of mail, / A little helm they laced 
upon it, / A little sword they girt upon him, but a good one, / 
About his neck they hang a little double targe, / Then they bring 
him a little lance, etc. 

si Here cosin of course means 'nephew'. 

62 The confusion of names between Guiborc 's nephew Guischard 
of the Willame and Vivien's brother Guichard of the Chevalerie 
Vivien does not affect the coherence of these passages; Suchier 



52 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

In Girart de Vienne, we find the young Aymeri starting the 
feud between Girart and Charlemagne by reporting the joke 
played upon his uncle Girart by the Empress; at the first op- 
portunity, Aymeri is knighted by his uncles Girart and Renier 
and his father Hernaut (Girart, p. 65). When Doon's father 
sends him away to be trained, he tells him that his uncle will 
make him a knight, as he does in reality {Boon de Mayence, 
3198 ft.). In Gormont et Isembard, we are told that Hugon 
has knighted his sister's son Gontier: 

De Fautre part fut danz Guntiers, 

Cil qui fut ja sis escuiers, 

Fiz sa serur, si ert sis niez, 

— Ceo dit la geste a Saint Richier — 

Uncore n'ot oit jurs entiers 

Qu'il V ot arme a chevalier. a 

(Gormont et Isembard, 327) 

Aiol has served Louis without making known to him who he is ; 
when the Emperor learns that he is his nephew, he regrets that 
he had not known it before, so that he could have knighted him 
on his first appearance at court: 

Quant ore entent li rois qu'Aiols estoit ses nies, 
Onques mais ne fu il si joians ne si lies; 
Isnelement le cort acoler et baisier. 
" Gentiex damoiseus sire, por coi ne le dissies? 
Ja vous eusse jou adoube tout premiers 

a On the other hand was Sir Gontier, / He who was his squire, / 
His sister 's son, he was his nephew ; / Thus saith the tale at Saint 
Richier; /As yet it was not eight full days / Since he armed him 
chevalier. 

points out that the poet of the Chevalerie simply transferred the 
name Guischard of the earlier Williame to Vivien's brother Gui, 
whom he utilizes in the Chevalerie (Suchier, Willame, p. lxiiiff.). 
Professor Weeks had previously come to the same conclusion in 
' l The Newly Discovered Changun de Willame, ' ' Modern Philology, 
Vol. II (1904-5), p. 232 ff. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 53 

Et rendus vos honors, vos teres et vos fies." 
" Sire, je nen osoie, par les sains desousiel, 
Por chou que j'ere povres, nus et mal aaisies." a 
(Aiol, 8106) 

In Raoul de Cambrai, it is Louis, the maternal uncle, who 
knights Raoul (471); Guerri, the great-uncle of Gautier, 
knights the latter so that he may pursue vengeance upon the 
slayer of his uncle Raoul (3752 ft 2 .). 63 

(c) Marks of Favor 

The epic uncle distinguishes his nephew by bestowing upon 
him gifts and favors of various kinds, tangible and intangible, 
he confers dignities upon him, makes him valuable presents, 
and grants him fiefs. Taken symbolically, this typefies the 
period when it was the duty of the uncle to provide for his 
nephew, to set him up in life, as it were, and in the epic we 
see that such aggrandizement of the nephew is treated more or 
less as a matter of course, in such a way that it does not arouse 
the surprise nor the admiration of the audience at the uncle's 
generosity. 

The Chanson de Roland makes of the terrible sword Duren- 
dal a living force; it is by means of this sword, which is given 
to him by the Emperor, that the hero Roland is enabled to rein- 
force his natural prowess to the extent that he conquers all his 

a Now when the King hears that Aiol was his nephew, / Never 
before was he so joyful nor so glad; / Quickly he runs to embrace 
and to kiss him. /"Gentle youth, sir, why did you not say so? /I 
would indeed have knighted you first of all, / And restored your 
honors, lands and fiefs. ' ' / l ' Sire, I dared not, by the saints of 
Heaven, / Because I was poor, unclad, and ill at ease. ' ' 

63 Guilhiermoz, p. 414, note 64, names two historical characters 
who were knighted by a maternal uncle: Etienne, future king of 
England, the son of Etienne de Blois, who was knighted by Henry 
the First (Orderic Vidal, ed. Le Prevost, IV, p. 189) , and Foulque 
Rechin, Count of Anjou, who was knighted by Geoffroy le Bel 
(Marchegay et Salmon, Chroniques des Comtes d'Anjou, p. 379). 



54 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

enemies — thus the very element of his success is contributed by 
his uncle. We are familiar in the work of the modern novelist 
Zola with that literary method which assigns a kind of super- 
human force to an inanimate object which plays an important 
part in that it affects the relations and the actions of the char- 
acters of the novel, and we see in the Roland something more 
than a suggestion of this method: the sword is a symbol of 
power conferred upon the nephew, and the uncle is the primum 
mobile and the natural source of such power. Roland himself 
speaks of Durendal as ma bone espee que li Beis me dunat a 
(Roland, 1121) ; the poet of Aiquin alludes to the gift in a 
reference to the battle of Aspremont, in which Roland fought 
so well: 

Et y conquist Valentin Fabrive, 

Et Durendal o le plon d'or nielle, 

Don il fut puis chevalier adobe. b 
{Acquin, 1844) 

The poem of Aspremont itself relates the circumstances under 
which Roland defeats the owner of the sword in single combat, 
and is rewarded by the King with the blade. 64 The institu- 
tion of the twelve peers as related in Aspremont, as a body- 
guard for Roland, may be considered a signal mark of favor : 

Li Empereres ne volt plus demorer, 

.XL vaxaus ala faire sevrer 

Des plus gentils qu'il se pot porpenser, 

Es quiex bons sires se pooit mialz fier : 

"Biax nies," dist Karles, "vos seroiz .XII. per. 

Ces vos doing je por vostre eors garder. 

a My good sword which the King gave me. 

b And won there Valentin the impetuous, / And Durendal with 
the hilt inlaid with gold, / With which he was afterwards knighted. 

e* Cf . page 48. For other legends, cf . Grautier, Chanson de 
Boland, vs. 2316 ff. and note, and J. Geddes, Chanson de Boland, 
pp. xxxvi and 184, note 2. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 55 

Cist iront la ou vos voldroiz aler. 
Tot ce f eront que voldroiz commander." a 
(Aspremont, 55 v ) 65 
Roland's horn, the olifant, is also a gift from the Emperor: 
A son neveu Bollant V olifant c' ot conquis b (Renaut, p. 136, 7) . 
An allusion to Durendal, the olifant, and the horse Veillantif is 
found in Aspremont, where the Emperor says: 
" Ge ai le cors le cheual et le brant 
Que ge ai done a mon neueu Rollant." c 
(Aspremont, ed. Bekker, p. 47, col. 1) 
A peculiar mark of favor, indicative of the position which 
Roland holds with reference to Charlemagne, is shown in the 
Pelerinage de Charlemagne : the knights, on being entertained 
by King Hugon, indulge in the festive sport of making gabs 
before going to sleep, and after the Emperor has made his 
merry boast, instead of calling upon one of the older peers 
who are with him, he turns to his nephew, saying : Gabez, bels 
nies Rollanz (469). That this is really a distinction is shown 
by the fact that Roland in his turn calls next upon his own 
best friend Oliver. In the Renaut de Montauban, when the 
Emperor catches sight of the wonderful horse Bayard, he im- 
mediately longs to possess him in order to give him to Roland : 
" Cis cevax est mult bons, ves com va randonant. 
Je le vaurrai doner a mon neveu Rollant." d 
(Renaut, p. 130, 32) 

a The Emperor does not wish to stay longer; / Twelve vassals he 
went and set aside, / The noblest that he could think of, / On 
whom a good master could best rely : / " Fair nephew, ' ' said 
Charles, "twelve peers shall you be. / These I give you for a body- 
guard. / They will go wherever you would go. / They will do all 
that you may command. ' ' 

fe To his nephew Eoland the horn that he has won in combat. 

c " I have the horn, the horse, and the blade / Which I gave to 
my nephew Roland. " 

a "This horse is very good; see how he goes speeding. / 1 want 
to give him to my nephew Eoland. " 

65 Cited by Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, 89. 



56 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

In Otinel, when Charlemagne has conquered the Saracens, he 
sends for the barons in order to distribute fiefs among them; 
it goes without saying that he does not forget his nephew in 
this bounty: 

Nostre emperere ne s'est mie oubliez: 
Apres mengier a son nevou mandez. a 
(Otinel, 2100) 

In the Roland, the Emperor sends word to Marsile that if he 
will become his vassal he shall receive half of Spain, but only 
half, for L'altre meitiet avrat Bollanz li ber h (XXVI, 7). In 
Gui de Bourgogne, Gui tries to make capital out of the well 
known intentions of Charlemagne with regard to his nephew 
by pretending to Huidelon that the Emperor has quarrelled 
with Koland and that he swears to disinherit him and give 
Spain to Huidelon if the latter will come to him and embrace 
Christianity (vs. 1703 ff:.). These citations show how current 
was the tradition of the Emperor's partiality for his sister's 
son, so that Ganelon has good reason when he designates him 
as ses nies, li quens Bollanz, li riches (Boland, 585) ; riches of 
course means i powerful/ and is an allusion to the Emperor's 
favor. 

In Anse'is de Cartage, the Emperor heaps material favors 
upon the young Ansel's, who is his sister's son, knighting him 
and giving him Spain and Carthage as a fief (Anse'is, 100 ff.). 
During the Saxon wars he plans to crown Baudoin, another 
nephew, and give him the kingdom of Guiteclin, a plan which 
he accomplishes upon the defeat and death of the Saxon king : 

" Biaus nies, or vous souviengne de ce chastoiement ; 
Car, se me voules croire, je vous ai en couvent 
K'aincois .i. an passe ou plus prochainement 

a Our Emperor has not forgotten; /After eating, he summoned 
his nephew. 

b The other half shall Eoland, the baron, have. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 57 

Vous ferai coronner, et Sebile au cors gent 
Vous cuit donner a f emme, se Diex le me consent." a 
{Saisnes, LXXV, 14) 

King Louis, in Baoul de Cambrai, at first shows great favor to 
his nephew Raoul, but has no fief for him; he makes promises 
to give him the first vacant one, and presently keeps his word 
and gives Raoul certain lands, in the acquirement of which 
Raoul starts a feud that does not end even with the loss of his 
own life (vs. 469 ft.). In Aiol, we find Makaire calling upon 
his nephews for aid, and reminding them of the bounty they 
owe to him : 

" Oii estes vos," dist il, " mes parentes ? 
Vos qui de moi tenes bours et chites." b 
{Aiol, 4430) 

In Gaufrey, Gloriant bestows Vauclere, the property of Doon, 
upon his nephew Maprin : 

" Mapris, venes avant ; bien vous estes encontre ; 
Vous estes mon neveu, si vous ai moult ame. 
Vauclere vous otroie, le pais grant et le." c 
{Gaufrey, 1520) 

In the Enfances Ogier, Naimon encourages his nephew Ogier r 
who is about to fight in single combat, by giving him his own 
weapons : 

a ' ' Fair nephew, now bear in mind these instructions ; / For, if 
you will believe me, I promise you / That before a year has passed, 
or sooner, / 1 will crown you, and Sebile, fair of form, I propose to 
give you to wife, / If Grod grants it. ' ' 

b ' ' Where are you, ' ' said he, ' l my kin % / You who through me 
hold towns and cities. ' ' 

c ' t Maprin, come forward ; well-met are you ; / You are my 
nephew, and I have loved you much. / Vauclere I grant you, that 
land great and broad. ' ' 



58 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

" Biaus niez," dist Namles, " demain serez portans 
Mes droites armes, car teus est mes coumans." a 
(Enfances Ogier, 2535) 

An example of the practise of giving some trophy to a favorite 
nephew is found in the story of the famous helmet of Marsile, 
which Ganelon had : 

Guibors d'Orenges lo dona puis Folcon 
En la bataille vers Tiebaut l'Esclavon. b 
(Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 101) 

Louis likewise, when knighting his sister's son Raoul, gives 
him a trophy: 

Nostre empereres ama molt le meschin; 
L'erme li donne qi fu au Sarrazin 
Q'ocist Rolans desor l'aigue del Rhin. 
Desor la coife de l'auberc doublentin 
Li a assis, puis li a dit : " Cousin, 
Icis ver hiaumes fu a .i. Sarrazin." c 
(Raoul, 471) 

(d) Uncle Provides a Wife for his Nephew 

One of the pleasantest duties of the epic uncle is the be- 
stowal of a wife upon his nephew; this seems to be treated by 
the poets more in the light of a reward for faithful services, 
although it can sometimes be considered purely a mark of affec- 
tionate interest in the nephew's welfare. In the Girart de 
Vienne, Charlemagne affiances Roland to Aude, and tells her 

a ' l Fair nephew, ' ' said Naimon, l ' tomorrow you shall be carry- 
ing / My own weapons, for such is my command. ' ' 

b Guiborc of Orange gave it then to Foucon / In the battle 
against Tibaut the Slav. 

c Our Emperor loved the lad much ; / The helmet of the Saracen 
he gives him, / Whom Eoland slew across the water of the Khine. / 
Upon the head-piece of the double hauberk / He placed it for him, 
then said : ' ' Cousin, / This shining helm was a Saracen 's. ' ' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 59 

that N'a chevalier millor el mont vivant 3 - (p. 173). In Gui de 
Bourgogne, when the two French armies meet, he brings the 
happy couple together again: 

Li rois prist bele Audain, s'a Rollant apele: 
"Biaus nies, ves ici cele que tant deves amer." 
"Si fas je voir, biaus oncles, ja mar le mescreres." b 
(Gui de Bourgogne, 4012) 

After Roland's death he feels it necessary to do something for 
Aude, and so offers her the hand of his son Louis, hardly an 
equivalent for that of Roland in his estimation, but the best 
that he can do; so, to make the offer more enticing, he calls 
Louis a mult esforciet escange: 

"Jo t'en durrai mult esforciet escange: 
C'est Loevis, mielz ne sai jo qu'en parle: 
II est mis filz e si tiendrat mes marches." c 
(Roland, 3714) 

The Emperor promises his nephew Baudoin several times to 
give him Sebile, the wife of Guiteclin the Saxon, and after the 
latter has been conquered he does this: 

Baudoin apela, le fil de sa seror: 
Toz est ses cuers espris de joie et de baudor. 
S'il en a la saisine, ne plaint pas son labor; 
Ne la randroit nelui por chastel ne por tor. 
"Dame, ce dit li rois, "ci a .i. poigneor; 
Assez est riches horn, fiz est de ma seror. 
Se vos par mariage le volez a seignor, 

a There is no better knight alive on earth. 

b The King took the beautiful Aude, and called Roland : / " Fair 
nephew, see here the one you must love so much. ' ' / ' ' So do I, 
truly, fair uncle; doubt it not." 

c"I will give you a very advantageous substitute ;/ That is, 
Louis, more I cannot say; / He is my son, and will have my states." 



60 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Baptisier vos feroie a loi de Creator. 
Rois sera, et vos dame de eeste grant honor." a 
(Saisnes, CCV, 12) 

An allusion to this is found in the Eenaut : 

Sebile la roine qui tant ot eler le vis, 
Dona a son neveu Baudoin le marchis; 
A son neveu Rollant l'olif ant e'ot conquis. b 
{Eenaut, p. 136, 7) 

Ordinarily, the disposal of the lady's hand is apparently not 
considered of much importance to the lady herself ; Sebile how- 
ever is pleased, being already in love with Baudoin, but in- 
stances occur where the matter is settled without consulting 
either of the interested parties, as in Garin le Loherain, where 
Count Bernart says, speaking of Blancheflor: 

" Car la donnons dant Isore le gris, 
Ou mon neveu Guillaume de Monteclin." c 
{Gavin, II, 6) 

Auberi is besought by his nephew Gasselin to bestow upon him 
the lady of his choice : 

"An non dieu, oncle, d'autre chose vos pri: 
le uos demant la fille au roi Ouri." d 
{Auberi, ed. Tobler, 145, 20) 

a Baudoin he called, his sister 's son ; / All kindled is his heart 
with joy and ardor. / If he has possession of her, he regrets not his 
toil ; / He would not give her up to anyone for castle nor tower. / 
"Lady," said the King, "here is a warrior; He is a man of power, 
my sister 's son. / If you wish him for your lord in marriage, / 1 
would have you baptized according to the law of the Creator. / 
He will be king, and you the lady of this great domain. ' ' 

b Sebile, the queen so bright of face / He gave to his nephew 
Baudoin the marquis ; / To his nephew Eoland the horn which he 
had won. 

c ' ' Pray let us give her to Sir Isore the gray, / Or to my nephew, 
Guillaume de Monteclin. ,, 

a " In Heaven 's name, uncle, I ask another thing of you : / 1 ask 
of you the daughter of King Ouri. " 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 61 

In Anseis de Mes, Bierengier finds a husband for Asseline in 
the person of his nephew Beraut, and suggests that if the 
latter does not want her, he could bestow her hand upon an- 
other nephew, Fouqueret : 

" Biaus sire nies," dist Bierengiers li gris, 
" Je vos donrai et le rose et le lis 
Et le plus biele que dex a el mont mis." a 
(Anseis de Mes, 449, 10) 

Later, Bierengier consoles Clarisse for the death of her son 
Anseis by offering her his nephew Fouqueret : 

Chou dist li quens : " Dame ne vos anuit ! 
.1. neveut ai Fouqueret le petit . . . " b 
{Anseis de Mes, 471, 1) 

(e) Nephew as Messenger 

Not only do we find our epic uncle setting up his nephew 
as ruler over conquered territory, but we find also many in- 
stances of his giving the nephew other important work to do : 
he makes him a messenger or an envoy, or entrusts an army to 
him. It is not so much the mere fact that a nephew is made 
the messenger of his uncle that is important, as that it shows 
the close, confidential relations which exist between the two. It 
would seem that the choicest plums of the diplomatic service 
fall into the mouth of the nephew, that the most desirable 
offices in general come to him, yet there are instances where 
he is sent on the most dangerous missions, in which death is 
almost certain; and such instances give the poet an opportunity 
for enlarging upon the distress and despair of the uncle at the 
necessity which compels him thus to expose the life of his 
favorite. Even more significant, perhaps, is the fact that it is 

a ' ' Fair nephew, Sir, ' ' said Bierengier the gray, / " I will give 
you both the rose and the lily, / And the fairest that God has 
placed in the world. ' ' 

b Thus spoke the Count: "Lady, grieve not! /I have a nephew, 
Fouqueret the young." 



62 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

not so often the great heroes, the well-known nephews, who are 
selected by the poet to perform the duties of a messenger, as 
the less important nephews, who are sometimes introduced into 
the story merely for such a purpose; it becomes, then, not an 
attribute which the poet assigns to his great hero in order to 
heighten his literary value, but a characteristic phase of the 
relationship in general. 

In the Guillaume cycle, the nephew frequently plays the part 
of the Greek chorus, giving Guillaume information which the 
poet wants him to have for the continuance of the story. It 
is not always easy in our poems to separate the traditional from 
the literary material, and to be frank, this element of the 
nephew-theme appears on the surface to be a literary inven- 
tion, or would so appear, were it not that it is also a corrobor- 
ative detail of the general predominance of the nephew, which 
has a legendary basis. Guillaume's nephew Bertrand brings 
him the important news that the Emperor has in his disgust at 
his son Louis vowed to make him a monk: 

D'une forest repere de chacier : 
Ses nies Bertrans li corut a l'estrier. a 
(Couronnement Louis, 116) 

When Acelin becomes turbulent and threatens to seize the 
crown of Louis, Guillaume sends his own nephew Aliaume to 
call him to order: 

II en apela Alelme le baron. 
" Va, si me di Acelin Porgoillos 
Dreit viegne f aire Loois son seignor 
Isnelement, quar de lui se plaint molt." b 

(Couronnement Louis, ed. Langlois, 1785) 

Guielin is selected by Guillaume to get a message through the 
lines at the siege of Orange : 

a Prom a forest he is returning, from hunting; /His nephew 
Bertrand ran to his stirrup. 

b He called Aliaume the baron. / ' ' Go, and say for me to Acelin 
the haughty / That he come straightway and make Louis his lord / 
Quickly, for he makes much complaint of him. ' ' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 63 

" Nies Guielins," ce dit li cuens Guillelmes ! 
" Desi a Nymes ne fines ne ne cesses, 
Bertran ton frere me diras cez noveles, 
Qu'il me secore o la gent de sa terre." a 
(Prise d'Orenge, 1412) 

Another nephew, Girart, brings Willame the news of Vivien's 
danger at the battle of l'Archamp : 

" Avant, Girarz ! Si di de tes noveles ! " 
Co dist Girarz : " Jo'n sai assez de pesmes." b 
(Changun de Willame, ed. Suchier, 961) 

Gautier is a messenger to Aymeri: 

Quens Aymeris a Gautier apele 
Qui lo mesaje lor ot dit et conte: 
" Biau sire nies, un petit m'entendez." c 
(Mort Aymeri, 481 ) 66 

In Girart de Boussillon, Foucon is the close friend and fre- 
quently the envoy of his uncle Girart (vs. 1381 ff.). 67 Fou- 
con and Amadeus are Girart's envoys to the Emperor to sue 

a ' ' Nephew Guielin, ' \ said Count Guillaume, / ' ' From here to 
Nimes stay thee not nor stop ; / To Bertrand thy brother thou wilt 
tell this tidings, / That he assist me with the men of his land. ' ' 

t> ' ' Hither, Girart, and tell thy news ! " / Said Girart : " I know 
some full bad. ' ' 

c Count Aymeri called Gautier, / Who told and related the 
message to them: / "Fair nephew, Sir, listen to me a little." 

66 Cf. page 10. It is plausible that the poet really had in mind 
the nephew relationship here. 

67 In the Provengal Girart, Foucon offers on behalf of Girart to 
become a hostage if the Emperor will cease his warfare: "Nous 
serons a titre d'otages, par la foi que je vous dois, cent barons de 
naissance, damoiseaux choisis. ,> (Translation of P. Meyer, p. 63, 
§ 119.) In the Provencal poem, Foucon is the cousin of Girart, 
being the son of Odilon, although the poet uses the term neps (cf. 
pp. 161 and 259, notes) ; in the French Girart and in Benaut he is 
a nephew, and in the Mort Maugis a relative. 



64 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

for peace in Renaut de Montauban (p. 37 ££.)• In Boeve de 
Haumtone, Graunder is his uncle's messenger to the prison in 
which Bovon is confined; when he learns of Bovon's escape, 
Bradmund and his nephew pursue him together: 

Meymes icel jour Bradmund se leva, 
Son neveu Graunder a sei apella : 
" Graunder," f et Bradmund, " a la prison tost va, 
Dy a mes chartrers, ke il veignent a mei sa." a 
{Boeve de Haumtone, 1147) 

The Abbe Lietri is the messenger of his uncle Garin to discuss 
a truce with Froment, who says: 

" Vos me mandastes par l'abe Lieteri 
Paiz et acorde deci a quinze dis." b 
{Mort Garin, 227; cf. 6 ft.) 

Another nephew of Garin, Auberi, is a messenger in the sense 
that he is commissioned to escort Garin's son Girbert to Pepin 
to be knighted by him (Mort Garin, 364). In Anse'is de Mes, 
the relations between Berengier and his nephews are very 
close, and Fouqueret is commissioned to carry his uncle's 
standard : 

"Fouques biaus nies, vos portres m'oriflor. 
Gardes que Flandres i ait par vos honor ! " c 
[Anse'is de Mes, 411, 1) 

In the Renaut de Montauban, no sooner has the youth Roland 
presented himself to the astonished Emperor as his sister's son 
than he is knighted by his uncle and sent off in charge of 
twenty thousand men to defend Cologne against the Saxons : 

a On that day Bradmund rose, / His nephew Graunder he called 
to him : / " Graunder, ' ' said he, ' ' to the prison go speedily, / Say 
to my warders that they come to me here. ' ' 

t> ' ' You sent me word by the Abbe Lietri / Of peace and harmony 
for fifteen days from now." 

c "Fair nephew Foucon, you will carry the standard; / Take care 
that Flanders receive honor through you. ' ' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 65 

" Dous nies," dist Pemperere, " je t'en doing le congie " . . . 
" Biaus nies, je vos ai ore mon barnage chargie. 
Gardes par vos ne soit honi ne vergoignie." a 
(Benaut, p. 120) 

In the Destruction de Borne, when Charlemagne hears of the 
havoc wrought in Rome by the pagans, he sends his nephew 
Gui to succor the town: 

Et Guion de Bourgoigne a a lui apelle : 
Fils ert de sa seror et de sa parente : 
" Cosins, vous en irrez socoure la cite." b 
(Destruction de Borne, 1179) 

When the Emperor is commanded by an angel to go and pray 
at the shrine of Saint Jacques, he leaves his entire army in 
charge of Gui, admonishing him: Et vos, biaus sire niez, de 
ceste oevre pansez (Gui de Bourgogne, 4126). Guillaume, 
when placing a guard around the monastery preparatory to de- 
livering King Louis, gives an important post to a nephew : 

Li cuens Guillelmes en apela Gualtier 
Le Tolosain, ensi lVf noncier, 
Fill de sa suer, un gentil chevalier : 
"A cele porte qui torne vers Peitiers, 
La m'en irez, filz de franche moillier, 
Ensemble o vos avra vint chevaliers; 
Guardez n'en isse nuls om qui seit soz ciel." d 
(C ouronnement Louis, ed. Langlois, 1657) 

a "Gentle nephew," said the Emperor, "I give you leave. ' 9 
. . ./"Fair nephew, I have now entrusted to you my barons./ 
Take care by you they be not shamed nor dishonored. ' ' 

t» And Gui de Bourgogne he called to him ; / He was his sister 's 
son and his kin ; / " Cousin, you will go to the aid of the city. ' ' 

c And you, fair nephew, Sir r mind this work. 

a Count Guillaume called Gautier / The Tolosan, thus I heard him 
named, / His sister 's son, a noble chevalier ; / " To that gate 
which faces Poitiers, / There shall you go, son of a noblewoman ; / 

6 



66 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

The poet's general conception of the "avuncular" relations 
militates against allowing the nephew to be sent deliberately 
into danger, while as we have seen the tendency is to represent 
the father as making an easy, if not a willing sacrifice of the 
son. When the story absolutely requires that the nephew be 
sacrificed, either apparently or really, the sentiment on the part 
of the uncle appears much more genuine than that of the 
father. The story of the Roland revolves in large measure 
around the attitude of the uncle, who is compelled by force of 
circumstances to forego his inclination and his duty to favor 
and to protect his nephew. It does not seem possible that 
such poignant grief as is depicted in many passages of the 
poem can come wholly from the poet's imagination, but rather 
does the treatment bear the impress of a legendary point of 
view common to the uncle in general, in which the personal 
equation so far as the poet is concerned is reduced to a mini- 
mum. The apparent contradiction of this theory to be found 
in the Enfanees Vivien is easily explained: the legend of the 
son acting as hostage for the father is mentioned in the Cheva- 
lerie Vivien, which says of Vivien that: 

Filz fu Garin, qui tant par est proisiez, 
Qui d'Anseiine fu sire et jostisiers; 
En Roncevaus fu il pris et liez, 
Si l'en mena Marados vostre nies. 
Por Vivien fu il cuens ostagiez. a 

(Covenant Vivien, ed. Jonckbloet, 143; cf. 121 ) 68 

This incident is naturally enlarged upon by the later poem, in 
which it becomes an important theme; here we see Guillaume 
Together with you will be twenty knights ; / Take care there issue 
forth no man whatsoever upon earth." 

a He was son to Garin, so much esteemed, / Who was of Anseiine 
the lord and judge ; / At Koncevaux he was captured and bound, / 
And Maradoe your nephew led him away. / For Vivien was the 
count held in ransom. 

68 The last verse reads in the Terraeher edition : Par eel glouton 
fut li cuens ostegies (vs. 142). 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 67 

deciding regretfully but firmly that Vivien shall take his 
father's place as hostage in a pagan prison, but although he is 
condemning his nephew to apparent death, Guillaume vows to 
avenge him most abundantly. The earlier versions of the poem 
say very little of Garin's love for his son, while representing as 
always the demonstrativeness of the mother's affection; on the 
other hand, the late prose version goes into a long description 
of the father's attitude, and in fact, the very ascription of 
Garin as father to Vivien is of late origin; thus we see that to 
the later author the paternal sentiment in general makes the 
stronger appeal, while to the earlier poet that of the uncle 
assumes the greater weight. 69 Now when Guillaume says : 

" Neuos et oncles et parens sont asses, 
Mais vn sien freire ne puet on recourer; 
Nies Vivien, com ies a Terme nes, 
Ma boche juge qe tu soies liures 
En la prison por ton pere saluer." a 

(Enfances Vivien, 337, ms. Bib. Nat. 1448) 

he is not speaking in harmony with the sentiments of the poems 
of the twelfth century; the Enfances in general, as an epic 
genre, are of later origin than the other poems, and they illus- 
trate very well the decline of the epic importance of the nephew 
just as presumably the tradition of an older state of society de- 
clined in the minds of poets; as the Enfances in many in- 
stances invented a father whom they might attach to great 
heroes, so they probably invented sentiments like the above. 
The father and his sentiments, then, assume an importance in 
the later poems which is foreign to the point of view of the 
earlier ones, and which comes about through a growing desire 

a "Nephews and uncles and relatives are plenty, /But one's 
brother cannot be replaced. / Nephew Vivien, as thou wert born at 
Termes, / My mouth decides that thou shalt be consigned / To 
prison, to save thy father. ' ' 

69 Cf . Enfances Vivien, 244 fr\ The Wahlund edition gives the 
readings of the various mss. 



68 UNOLE AND NEPHEW 

for novelty; as Professor Lanson wittily puts it: "Les fils en- 
gendrent les peres, et les dieux naissent aprds les peres." 70 

(/) Solidarity between Uncle and Nephew 

The solidarity between uncle and nephew is consistent and 
marked: not only is the nephew singled out for superlative 
favor and given work of the greatest consequence to do by his 
uncle, but the latter acts always as the guide and adviser of 
the young chevalier. The anxiety of the uncle when his nephew 
is in danger and his rejoicing at his success in battle give rise 
to some of the most intense passages of the French epic. The 
bond between the two is most sympathetic; if it is threatened 
by occasional wordy quarrels, it rarely suffers serious dam- 
age. The poets appear fond of introducing an exchange of 
vilification — vox et praeterea nihil — not in order to arouse the 
apprehension of the listener for the fate of his favorite char* 
acter, but merely as a comic element which comes as a necessary 
relief to the intensity of the passions of war and the animosity 
of enemies, and the initiated hearer is well aware that the bond 
is not so quickly broken as that between the poetic father and 
son. It is upon the nephew that the uncle depends for aid 
when in danger and for revenge when worsted, and the nephew 
looks to the uncle for the same ministrations. In order to 
portray with exactness the close association of the two, it would 
be necessary to tell the story in detail of many poems, which is 
obviously impossible here. A few illustrations of the various 
phases of such association must suffice, but it is necessary to 
bear constantly in mind that the very sum and substance of the 
plot and the very life of the poem depend in many instances 
upon the closeness of the uncle-nephew relations, which is re- 
vealed far more convincingly by the general tone than could 
be done by any detached quotation from the actual words of the 
poet. Many scattered passages might be adduced to show the 
regard of Charlemagne for his nephew Roland, but would they 
he as conclusive as the impression which a comprehensive read- 

70 G. Lanson, Litterature Frangaise, p. 39. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 69 

ing of the entire Chanson de Boland must give? The whole 
cycle of Guillaume brings out the fundamental conception of 
solidarity as expressed between Guillaume and Vivien, Guil- 
laume and Bertrand, and others. What would the Emperor's 
Saxon war be but a dreary recital of military details if it were 
not for the dramatic interest in the fortunes of his nephew 
Baudoin ? Undoubtedly the mediaeval reciter held his audience 
spell-bound by the stories of battles and tournaments, by the 
minute descriptions of all their phases, and by the vigorous 
delineation of the lust of conquest and the glory of religious 
proselyting, but after all must we not assume that the element 
of human interest was also very keenly felt both by the poet 
and by his listeners? 

Leon Gautier has brought out many parallels between the 
French and the Greek epic; 71 the same comparison can be made 
of the human interest in the fortunes of the heroes in both 
epics. And in the French epic it is the nephew whose career 
we watch with interest, admiration, or suspense; it is not be- 
cause he is the nephew of a great legendary personage, for since 
the epic deals with kings and nobles the nephew must of neces- 
sity be of high rank himself, but just because he is a nephew, 
just because of that relationship in itself, and just because the 
whole poetic legend of Charlemagne and of Guillaume and of 
other dominant spirits brings out the significance of that re- 
lationship. Then too the French epic introduces numerous 
minor characters who exemplify the same attitude of solidar- 
ity and mutual dependence — difficult to enumerate, so many 
are there — and yet are introduced more or less incidentally into 
the story. A striking example of the solidarity between uncle 
and nephew is found in Raoul de Cambrai. Duty to a master 
comes before all else in the mediaeval conception of allegiance, 
so that Bernier at first does not waver in his allegiance to 
Raoul, not even when the latter in the most heartless manner 
destroys the convent of Bernier's mother, and the abbess and 

7i Epopees Frangaises, III, IV, passim. See also Andrew Lang, 
Homer and Ms Age, pp. 297-309 (French Mediaeval Epics). 



70 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

her nuns perish in the flames, but when Raoul attempts to 
drive Bernier's uncles from their land, then the squire rebels. 
Still, he is willing to continue in his service if Raoul will be- 
come reconciled with his opponents. Here the uncle plainly 
counts more than the master : 

" Je suis vostre horn, a celer nel vos qier, 
De mon service m'as rendu mal loier : 
Ma mere as arce la dedens eel mostier, 
Des q'ele est morte n'i a nul recovrier. 
Or viex mon oncle et mon pere essilier ! 
N'est pas mervelle s'or me vuel corecier: 
II sont mi oncle, je lor volrai aidier, 
Et pres seroie de ma honte vengier." a 
{Baoul, 1644) 

" Et pardonrai trestot, par saint Richier, 
Mais que mes oncles puisse a toi apaier." b 
{Baoul, 2284; cf. 3070) 

When Bernier has finally killed Raoul, the latter's uncle Gruerri 
rejects all attempts at reconciliation made by the King on 
behalf of Bernier, and is indignant that Louis looks upon Ber- 
nier with favor, since Raoul was Louis' nephew: 

" Comment poroie esgarder eel glouton 
Qi mon neveu ocist en traison? 
Fix ert vo suer, qe de fit le seit on." c 
{Baoul, 4867) 

a ' ' I am your man, I wish not to conceal it from you, / Thou 
hast given me poor reward for my service ; / My mother thou hast 
burned within that monastery ; / Now that she is dead there is no 
redress. / Now thou wouldst destroy my uncle and my father! /No 
wonder is it if now I wish to loose my anger ; / They are my 
uncles, I wish to aid them, / And I should be near avenging my 
shame. ' ' 

b ' ' And I will pardon all, by Saint Richier, / If only I may 
reconcile my uncles and you." 

c 1 l How could I look at that villain / Who slew my nephew by 
treachery? / He was your sister's son, for it is known of a 
certainty. ' ' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NLPHEW 71 

In Aye d 3 'Avignon, Charlemagne abandon s Gamier, yielding to 
the representations of his enemies; two of Gamier' s nephews 
overhear the plot to betray him, and although they are in 
the service of the Emperor, their duty towards their uncle 
makes them rebuke Charlemagne and leave his court : 

Garniers ot .ii. neveus, Guichart et Alori, 
Qui sont de ses serors ne et engenui; 
Li .i. fu fiz Sanson et li autre Amaugin, 
Et servoient por armes Karlon le fiz Pepin. 
Quant oent el palais le conseill descouvrir, 
C'est de Nentuel abatre et de Gamier trahir, 
Ce ne puent il onques endurer ne soffrir. a 
(Aye d' Avignon, 2649) 

Family ties should be so strong that Pepin ought not to be 
angry, so the Abbe of Saint-Denis tells him, when a dear friend 
has been killed by his nephew-in-law : 

Se Gascelin a mort .i. aversier, 
Vers si haut homine ne vous deves irier; 
Car vostre niece a or prise a mollier. b 
(Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 131) 

Auberi himself has so great faith in the bond between uncle and 
nephew that he will not believe his own uncle is a traitor, who 
is planning to kill him: 

" Ja est mes oncles Oedes et mes amis : 
Et si dui fil sont mi geraiain cousin. 

a Gamier had two nephews, Guichart and Alori, / Who were con- 
ceived and born of his sisters. / The one was son to Sanson, the 
other to Amauguin, / And with arms they served Charles the son of 
Pepin. / When they hear within the palace the plot disclosed, / 
That is, to overthrow Nanteuil and to betray Gamier, / This they 
can never endure nor suffer. 

t> ' ' If Gascelin has killed an enemy, / Towards a man so high you 
must not feel angry, / For he has now taken your niece to wife. ' ' 



72 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Ne me f audront por home qui soit vis." a 
(Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 17) 

In the Tobler extracts from Auberi, the bond between Auberi 
and his sister's son Gascelin appears of the closest ; the two are 
inseparable companions, and Gascelin exclaims Ie sui vos nies, 
ie ne vos faudrai ja h (p. 12, 30). 

The relationship is sometimes made use of to make a taunt 
or a threat more bitter. During the combat between Otinel 
and Roland, the former cries to the Emperor: Vous ocirai 
vostre neveu Rollant c (Otinel, 337). Acelin says to Aleaume, 
a nephew of Guillaume: Voir, de ton onele ne dorreie un 
denier d (Couronnement Louis, 1831). When Tedbald declares 
that Willame will not dare come to the battle, Vivien passion- 
ately gives him the lie: 

" Cil nen est nez de sa mere ne vis, 

De §a la mer ne de dela le Riu, 72 

N'entre les noz n'entre les Arabiz, 

Mielz de mei ost grant bataille tenir, 
' Eors sul Guillelme al curb nes le marchis. 

II est mes uncles, vers lui ne m'aatis." a 
(Cangun de Willame, ed. Suchier, 83) 

Girart taunts the coward Esturmi, whom he has unhorsed, 
saying : 

a ' ' Indeed, he is my uncle Odon and my friend, / And his two 
sons are my cousins german. / They will not fail me for any man 
alive. ' ' 

b I am your nephew, I shall never fail you. 

o I shall slay your nephew Roland for you. 

a Forsooth, I would not give a farthing for your uncle. 

e"He is not born of mother, nor is alive, / This side the sea, 
nor across the Channel, / Neither among us nor among the Arabs, / 
Who, more than I, dare fight a great battle, / Save only G-uillaume 
of the crooked nose, the marquis. / He is my uncle, with him I do 
not rival." 

72 Suchier conclusively defends his reading Bin; the ms. has rui. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 73 

"Ultre, leehiere! Prise as or mortel hunte; 
Net vanteras ja a Tedbald tun uncle." a 
(Cangun de Willame, ed. Suchier, 425) 

The closeness of the relations between Guillaume and his 
nephews is evident from many passages in the Guillaume cycle. 
During the siege of Orange, Guillaume relies upon the aid 
which his relatives will bring him, and refuses to leave the 
palace where he has taken his stand; in fact, it is his nephew 
Bertrand who comes to his rescue : 

Lor heaumes ostent li chevalier vaillant, 
Puis s'entrebesent, de joie vont plorant. 
Li cuens Bertrans l'en apele avant : 
" Comment t'est, oncles ? Ne'l me celer neant." b 
{Prise d'Orenge, 1800; cf. 1090, ff.) 

When Vivien is ready to succumb at the battle of Aliscans, his 
thoughts revert to his uncle, and at the very point of death he 
strives to keep on fighting, in order to do honor to his rela- 
tionship to Guillaume: 

" Ne vos verrai ja mais, oncles Guillermes, 
Ne mon lignage, mes amis ne ma geste; 
Hui en orroiz si tres pesme novele ! . . . 

Oncles Guillelmes, ja mais ne me vareis ! 
Dame Guibor, Deus vos croise bonteis. . . . 

Se ge n'abat des miolz enparenteis, 
Et des mellors et des plus abrives, 
Se ge les puis devent moi ancontreir, 
Ans ne fui nies dan Guillelme au cor neis." c 

(Chevalerie Vivien, ed. Terracher, 606, 1455, 1902) 

a * < Away, knave ! Thou hast received a mortal shame ; / Never- 
more wilt thou boast to Tedbald thy uncle." 

b Their helms the valiant knights remove, / Then they embrace, 
and go weeping for joy. / Count Bertrand calls out to him: / "How 
is it with thee, uncle? Conceal it in no wise from me." 

c l ' Never again shall I see you, uncle Guillaume, / Nor my kin, 
my friends, nor my family; / Today you will hear such very bad 



74 UNOLE AND NEPHEW 

The attraction of the uncle towards an unknown nephew is seen 
when Girart de Vienne is immediately drawn to Oliver, whom 
he sees for the first time : 

"Voir," dist Girars, "cestui aurai je chier, 
Que molt f ors me resamble." a 
(Girart de Vienne, p. 54) 

When Rainier kills one of the Emperor's partisans Aymeri says 
to him : 

" Par f oi, biaz oncles," ce li dist Aimeris, 
" Or vos aim plus que home qui soit vis." b 
(Girart de Vienne, p. 65) 

In another poem, Aymeri rebukes the Emperor for having un- 
justly deprived Girart of his land: 

" Mes bien savez trop aviez mespris, 
Qant a mon oncle toliez son pais." c 
(Aymeri de Narbonne, 730) 

Apparently uncles and nephews are usually in each other's 
confidence, for the messenger in Aiol, after vowing that he will 
not betray Aiol's secret to nul home en tere qui soit sousiel d 
(3955), thinks that that is not sufficiently comprehensive, for he 
promises not to reveal it even to neveu ne a oncle ne a moillier. 
Guillaume and his nephews are connected even in the minds of 

news ! ' ' . . . / ll Uncle Guillaume, nevermore will you see me ! / 
Lady Guiborc, may God increase his favors to you. " . . . / i( If I 
fell not some of their best connected, / And best and most eager, / 
If I can meet them face to face, / Never was I nephew to Sir 
Guillaume of the crooked nose." 

a ' ' Forsooth, ' ' said Girart, ' ' this one I shall hold dear, / For 
he very much resembles me." 

b i i Truly, fair uncle, ' ' said Aymeri to him, / i l Now I love you 
more than any man alive." 

c ' ' But well you know that you committed a very great wrong, / 
When you took from my uncle his land." 

a Any man on earth, under the sky. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 75 

the other characters of the poems, for we find the Saracen king 
Arragon threatening to annihilate them all together : 

"Morz iert Guillaumes et a sa fin alez, 
Et ses neveuz a forches encroez." a 
(Prise d'Orenge, 605) 

The idea of lignage, or kinship, is dominant in the family of 
Aymeri; it supports them in distress and spurs them on to 
greater effort ; Vivien declares : 

" Se ge n'abat des mellors de lor geste, 
Ans ne fui nies Aymeri ne Guillelme." b 
(Chevalerie Vivien, 1886) 

The nephews of Girart are constantly with him: Ampres lui, 
sui neveu sunt souvant trestuit quatre c ( Girart de Boussillon, 
1691). The nephews of Garin and Begon are in their com- 
pany in all their battles : 

Qui done vei'st et Hernaut et Gerin 
Apres lor oncle en la presse venir ! d 
(Mort Garin, 791) 

Gamier is surrounded by a troop of nephews in his combats: 

Li dus Gamier sot bien rengier ses compaignons; 
Girart ot, son neveu, le fiz au due Othon, 
Renier, et Fouquerrant, et Garin de Mascon . . . e 
(Aye d' Avignon, 2113) 

a ' ' Guillaume will be killed and gone to his end, / And his 
nephews hanged upon forked branches. " 

t> ' ' If I strike not down some of the best of their race, / Never 
was I ' nephew ' to Aymeri nor Guillaume." 

c With him are often his nephews, all four. 

d One ought then to have seen Hernaut and Gerin / After their 
uncle coming in the throng. 

e Duke Garnier knew well how to arrange his companions ; / He 
had Girart, his nephew, the son of Duke Otho, / Eenier, and 
Fouquerant, and Garin de Macon. 



76 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Bernier, who has always been morally a supporter of his uncles, 
although his sense of allegiance has compelled him to serve his 
master Raoul, connects himself with them after his break with 
Eaoul : 

" Raous mes sires nos vieut toz essilier, 
Et tos mes oncles de la terre ehacier." a 
(Raoul de C amoral, 1835) 

The minor nephews of the Guillaume legend, when they are 
brought into the story, are made by the poet to exhibit the same 
spirit of concord as do Vivien and Bertrand; Gaudin and 
Savari set out to help Guillaume, whom they meet by the way : 

Gaudins li bruns les conduit, li marchis, 
Et avee lui fu li preuz Savaris: 
Cil furent nies Guillaume au fier vis. 
En France en vont socorre Looys. 
Quant s'entr'contrent a merveille lor vint, 
II s'entrebesent, neveu sont et ami. b 
(Couronnement Louis, 1480) 

Such closeness of association would naturally give the uncle 
greater authority than the father, and it is not surprising then 
that we find the uncle disposing of his nephew under various 
circumstances; for instance, it is Guillaume who decides in the 
family council that Vivien shall take his father's place in the 
Saracen prison, and in fact, Guillaume has the beau role to the 
end — it is he who restores Vivien to his family and points out 
to the father the son whom he thought lost. 73 According to the 

a ' l Raoul my master wishes to destroy us all, / And drive all my 
uncles from their land. ' ' 

t> Gaudin the swarthy leads them, the marquis, / And with him 
was the valiant Savari; / These were nephews to Guillaume of the 
lofty countenance. / To France they go to succor Louis; /When 
they meet, splendidly it suited them ; / They embrace, nephews are 
they and friends. 

73 Enfances Vivien, 337 (cited on page 67) and 4562. There are 
a number of instances where the uncle disposes of the hand of his 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 77 

Willame, the uncle gives Reno-art all the possessions of Vivien 
after the tatter's death: 

Willame li donad set chastels en fez, 
& Ermentrud li dunent a moillier, 
& tote la tere Viuien le ber. a 

(Cangun de Willame, ed. Chiswiek, 3498) 

(g) Association in War 

The Petit Larousse neatly defines an epic as a " poeme de 
longue haleine sur un sujet heroi'que ; " heroic deeds are in- 
terpreted to mean martial deeds, for in this earlier stage of 
civilization the refinement of moral heroism is neglected to the 
advantage of deeds of prowess; so the modern reader has his 
mind attuned to a recital of "battle, murder, and sudden 
death," and although his sympathetic interest may not have 
been awakened, yet he is in a receptive mood towards the long 
descriptions of battles and combats to which all else in the 
Chansons de Geste is but a preliminary appetizer. The poet 
often beseeches his audience to listen patiently, for a bone 
cangun is to follow directly, meaning that he is about to take 
his hearers to the battle-field and point out to them every 
detail of the long and bloody fight. Thus we must expect to 
find our poet pursuing his uncle-and-nephew theme with a 
keener interest when he is treating of the companionship of his 
characters in war. 

It is not easy to classify the poetic references to these rela- 

a Willame gave him seven chateaux in fief, / And Ermentrud 
they give him to wife, / And all the land of Vivien the baron. 

niece in marriage, and his authority in these cases seems to be 
undisputed; it takes only a word on the part of Guillaume when he 
bestows the hand of Aaliz upon Eenoart, and he notifies rather than 
consults her father, King Louis, in the matter (Aliscans, ed. Halle, 
8164). Hardre rewards Ami for concealing his cowardice in battle 
by giving him his niece; Ami passes her on to Amile, who marries 
her at once (Amis et Amiles, 470 ) . 



78 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

tions as regards the association in war and the spiritual atti- 
tude of each pair of characters, many phases overlapping one 
another, but even the crudest grouping will serve to point out 
the different features of such contact. After being knighted, 
the next important step in the life of the nephew is to distin- 
guish himself as a warrior; he may have already done so, thus 
winning his spurs, but in any case we see him as the insepar- 
able companion of the uncle in our poetic narrative. Unlike 
the original Mentor, the uncle may not always be an impec- 
cable guide and prudent counsellor, but he at least performs 
that office always with his nephew's interests at heart. 

The earlier part of the Chanson des Saisnes contains many 
passages showing the watchful care of the Emperor over his 
nephew Baudoin, who accompanies him on the Saxon campaign 
and whose love adventures fill the poem from the moment of 
his first appearance, when: 

Karles tint an sa main .i. baston de sapin 
Et apela o soi son neveu Baudoin. a 
(Saisnes, L, 8) 

Charlemagne forbids him to cross the Rune to make love to his 
enemy's wife, not because it is morally wrong, but because it is 
dangerous : 

" Biaus nies," dist l'empereres, " entendez mon talent : 
Je vueil f aire seur vous .i. mien commandement, 
Qui est tez que je vueil trestout certainement 
Que plus ne passes Rune, car je le vous deffent; 
Et se plus i passez seur mon deveement, 
Tous soies asseiir d' avoir mon maltalent." b 
(Saisnes, LXXV, 1) 

a Charles held in his hand a staff of fir, / And called to him his 
nephew Baudoin. 

t> ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said the Emperor, ' ' hear my will : / I wish to 
put upon you a command of mine, / Which is that I desire above 
all, positively, / That you cross the Bune no more, for I forbid 
it you, / And if you cross again, against my prohibition, / Be fully 
assured of having my displeasure." 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 79 

Baudoin is always with him, and when the attack upon the 
Saxons is planned, the Emperor assigns him a position first of 
all, one that will please him: 

Son neveu Baudoin en apela premier: 
" Biax nies," dist l'ampereres, " bien vos vuel aasier : 
Androit le tre Sebile irez enuit gaitier, 
Et seront an ta rote .xx.M. chevalier. 
Bien sai que c'est li leus que vos avez plus ehier." a 
(Saisnes, XCIII, 2) 

He is ever alert in his nephew's behalf, and when Baudoin gets 
into a serious quarrel with Berart, Charlemagne interferes and 
acts as peace-maker: 

" Biax nies," dist Pampereres, " laissiez vostre plaidier, 
Que par celui Seignor que nos devons proier, 
Mar direz a Berart qi li doie enuier." 
Ensi fait l'ampereres les paroles laissier. b 
{Saisnes, CXXV, 48) 

When Charlemagne retires, leaving his nephew in authority 
over the conquered Saxons, he directs his further actions, giv- 
ing him parting advice : 

Nostre ampereres Karles son neveu molt chastie . . . 
" Mes bien gardez, biax nies, f olors ne vos sorpraigne " . . . 
" Contenez vos ensi c'on n'an face parlance, 
Que vostre lignage ne tornast a pesance." . . . c 
(Saisnes, CCXIV-CCXVII) 
a His nephew Baudoin he called first ; / " Fair nephew, ' ' said 
the Emperor, ' ' I wish indeed to content you ; / Near the tent of 
Sebille you will go and watch tonight, / And in your troop will be 
twenty thousand knights. / Well I know that that is the place which 
you hold dearest." 

b ' l Fair nephew, ' ' said the Emperor, ' ' cease your dispute, / For 
by that Lord to whom we must pray, / In evil hour shall you say 
to Berart what must annoy him. ' ' / Thus the Emperor makes him 
cease his words. 

c Our Emperor Charles advises his nephew much / "But take 



80 UNOLE AND NEPHEW 

Similarly, he advises Anseis as to the best way to govern the 
fief which he gives him: 

Quant ot pense, parmi les flans l'embrache; 
Puis li dist : " Nies, diex te croist barnage." a 
{Anseis de Cartage, 100 f£.) 

At Aspremont the Emperor gives Roland command of one of 
the five divisions of his army, then when he is compelled to 
leave him, he tearfully recommends him to the vigilance of 
Ogier: 

" Ha ! Ogier, sire, tenez moi covenant 
De mon neveu por ce qu'a cuer d'enfant. 
A Damedieu et a toi le comant." 
Li rois le seigne, si s'en torne plorant. b 

(Aspremont, cited by L. Gautier, Ep. Fran., 
Ill, 89) 

The watchfulness of Guillaume over his favorite nephew 
"Vivien does not avail to save him, but at the outset of the 
latter's career he anxiously warns him against going into the 
fight: 

" Vos estes jones, laissies tels f oletes " . . . 
" Nies," dist Guillelmes, " tant suis ge plus dolans, 
Car or sai bien ne vivres longement; 
Ociront vos li Sarrasin pulant. 
Je en plorai et tuit vostre parent." c 

(Chevalerie Vivien, ed. Terracher, 29-46) 

good heed, fair nephew, lest imprudence take you unawares. " . . . / 
* ' Kestrain yourself, so that they may make no talk, / Lest for your 
family it should turn to sorrow." 

a When he had meditated, he puts his arms about his waist; / 
Then said to him: "Nephew, may God increase your valor." 

t> ' ' Ha ! Ogier, Lord, make a compact with me, / About my 
nephew, because he has the heart of a child. / To the Lord God and 
to you I commend him. ' ' / The King blesses him, and turns away, 
weeping. 

c ' ' You are young, give up such follies. " . . . / l ' Nephew, ' ' said 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 81 

Naimon acts as the guardian and counsellor of Ogier throughout 
the Enfances Ogier; the Emperor entrusts Ogier to his care, 
and he goes bond for him, and looks after him on the campaign 
on which he takes him: 

Fer ne chaienne ainc l'enfes n'i porta, 
K'au chastelain dux Namles l'arrea 
Et loiaument li encouvenenga 
C'Ogiers de lui ne se departira. a 
(Enfances Ogier, 234) 

Charlemagne recognizes the interest of the uncle in his nephew 

and the right that he may have for interceding on his behalf; 

if he does not get the father, for whom Ogier is hostage, he 

says: 

"En son despit fei'sse trayner 
Ogier son fill et pendre et encroer, 
Sachiez de voir, n'en peiist eschaper, 
Mais pour son oncle le lairai ore ester, 
Le due Namlon, c'on doit bien hounorer." b 
(Enfances Ogier, 531) 

In the Provencal Girart, the nephews are so closely associated 
with the uncle that when the messenger Pierre announces to the 
Emperor the intention of Girart to keep on with the feud, his 
thoughts cannot help turning to the danger of the nephews; he 
says: "Girart gardera sa rancune (puisse Dieu proteger ses 
neveux et ses hommes) jusqu'a ce qu'il t'ait vaincu." 74 

Guillaume, { l all the more sorrowful am I, / For now I know well 
you will not live long ; / The filthy Saracens will slay you. / 1 shall 
weep, and all your relatives.' ' 

a Fetters nor chains the youth never bore. / For Duke Naimon 
placed him with the warden, / And faithfully he promised him / 
That Ogier shall not separate from him. 

t> ' ' To his humiliation I would have Ogier / His son dragged and 
hanged and exposed ; / Know truly, he could not escape, / But for 
his uncle I will let him be, / Duke Naimon, whom we must honor. ' ' 

74 Girart de Boussillon, traduction Meyer, p. 150, § 303. 
7 



82 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

(h) Mutual Dependence 

During their association in war the mutual dependence of 
uncle and nephew is evident throughout; where one is, there is 
the other to be found, and each looks after the welfare of the 
other. This attitude of mutual helpfulness is recognized by the 
other characters, and the poet himself sometimes ventures the 
statement that it is a natural thing. A passage of the Chan- 
son de Boland brings out nicely the extreme reliance of the 
Emperor on Roland; Marsile asks Ganelon if the Emperor is 
never going to weary of fighting, and Ganelon, thinking of the 
close bond between them, replies: Co n'iert tant cum vivet sis 
nies* (Roland, 544) ; if his nephew were only out of the way, 
it would be a death-blow to the Emperor's pride and ambition, 
the loss of his right arm, as it were, and then Spain would be 
left in peace: 

" Carles verrat sun grant orgoill cadeir, 
N'avrat talent que jamais vus guerreit." b 
(Boland, 577) 

u Ki purreit f aire que Rollanz i fust morz, 
Dune perdreit Carles le destre braz de Y cors; 
Si remeindreient les merveilluses oz, 
N'asemblereit Carles si grant esforz; 
Jamais eY chief n'avrat curune d'or; 
Trestute Espaigne remeindreit en repos." c 
(Roland, 596) 

More noticeable still is the degree to which Guillaume leans 
upon his nephew Bertrand, especially for moral support and 

a That will not be, so long as his nephew lives. 

t> ' ' Charles will see the fall of his great pride, / He will have no 
desire to wage war upon you more. * ' 

c ' ' If anyone could manage that Koland should die there, / Then 
Charles would be losing the right arm of his body ; / The marvel- 
lous armies would come to an end, / Charles would never assemble 
so great a force again; /Never will he have a golden crown upon 
his head ; / All Spain would remain in peace. ' ' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 83 

encouragement; he takes care of Vivien, but Bertrand takes 
better care of Guillaume himself, and the uncle, seemingly un- 
able to do without his sympathy, requires his assent or approval 
on all occasions, some of which are indeed trivial. 75 While 
talking with the porter of the monastery where Louis is con- 
fined, he attracts Bertrand's attention: 

Bertran apele: "Entendez, sire nies, 
Oi'stes mes si bien parler portier?" a 

(Couronnement Louis, 1543; cf. 1587, 1634) 

He is continually asking advice of Bertrand: 

Bertran apele : " Sire nies, entendez, 
Por amor Deu, quel conseill me donez? 
Li rois, mes sires, est touz desheritez." b 

(Couronnement, 2650) 
" Biax nies," dist il, " conseill vos demandomes 
De cest trai'tre, comment le destruiromes?" 
Ce dist Bertrans : " Que pensez vos, biaus oncles, 
Or li metons enz el chief tel corone, 
Dont la cervele li espande en la bouche." c 

{Couronnement, 1909) 

When Bertrand advises his angry uncle to continue in the ser- 
vice of Louis, he follows the advice, as he does when Bertrand 
suggests that he had better ask the Emperor for Nimes and 
other unconquerable cities as a fief: 

a He calls Bertrand : ' ' Listen, sir nephew, / Did you ever hear 
porter speak so well?" 

b He calls Bertrand : i l Sir nephew, listen ; / For love of God, what 
advice do you give me? / The. King, my master, is completely dis- 
inherited. ' ' 

c ' < Pair nephew, ' ' said he, ' ' we ask advice of you / About this 
traitor, how we shall destroy him. " / Bertrand said: "What think 
you, fair uncle, / Now let us put upon his head a crown, / Out of 
which his brain may pour down into his mouth." 

75 Cf . the Nerbonesi, vol. II, p. 143, E poi Beltramo si tomd a 
Guglielmo, che sanza lui non potea stare. 



84 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

"Vo droit seignor ne devez pas haster, 
Ainz le devez servir et hennorer, 
Contre toz homes garantir et tenser." a 
(Charroi de Nimes, 423) 

"Vos dites voir, beau nies. 
La leaute doit Fen toz jorz amer : 
Dez le commande, qui tot a a jugier." b 
{Charroi, 442) 

" Nies," dit Guillaumes, " de bone heure f us nez, 
Quar tot ausi l'avoie ge pense, 
Mes ge voloie avant a toi parler." c 
{Charroi, 461) 

Guillaume insists upon having Bertrand and Guielin with him 
on the Spanish expedition {Charroi, 596 ff.; 763). Once set- 
tled in Nimes, he is affected by the languor of the spring, and 
calls Guielin and Bertand to confide in them, ses .ij. neveus, 
que il pot amer tant d {Prise d'Orenge, 84). No sooner has he 
reached Orange on his matrimonial quest than he is overcome 
by stage-fright and begins to feel the need of Bertrand's 
prompting, although he has two other nephews with him on the 
scene; at a loss what to do, he asks advice of Guielin, and the 
poet slyly offers us the unusual spectacle of the hardened war- 
rior giving way to doubts and fears and meekly relying upon 
the encouragement of the youthful knight, his nephew: 

" Tant par est riches li sires de ceanz, 
Que pleust Deu, qui forma tote gent, 

a "Your rightful lord you must not provoke, / But rather must 
you serve and honor him, / Protect and defend him against all 
men. ' ' 

t> ' l You say truly, fair nephew, / Loyalty must one always 
cherish; /God commands it, who has judgment over all." 

c "Nephew/' said Guillaume, "in a good hour wert thou born,/ 
For I too had thought of it, / But I wanted first to speak to thee." 

a His two nephews, whom he loved so much. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 85 

Que i fust ore li palazins Bertrans 
tot .X.M. de Frangois combatans ! " a 
(Prise d'Orenge, 466) 

" Oncle Guillaume," Guielins li respont, 
Gentix horns, sire, vos querriez amor: 
Vez Gloriete, le pales et la tor, 
Quar demandez ou les dames en sont, 
Bien vos poez engaigier por bricon." 
Et dist li cuens : " Tu dis voir, valleton." b 
{Prise d'Orenge, 515) 

"Nies Guielins, qu'alons nos atendant? . . . 
Ne reverrons ne cosin ne parent," . . . 
" Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez de neant." c 
{Prise d'Orenge, 905 ft.) 

" Nies Guielins," dist il, " quel la f erons ? 
James en France, ce cuit, ne revenrons, 
Ne ja neveu, parent ne beserons." . . . 
" Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez en perdon "... 
"Nies Guielin, comment le porrons fere? 
Tuit somes mort et livre a damaige." 
" Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez de f olaige." d 
(Prise d'Orenge, 1030-1057) 

a ' ' So powerful is the lord of this place, / That I would to God, 
who created all men, / That the paladin Bertrand were here now / 
With ten thousand French warriors ! ' ' 

b * ' Uncle Guillaume, ' ' Guielin replies, / ' ' Gentle sir, you sought 
love ; / See Gloriette, the palace and the tower ; / Ask where the 
ladies are, / You can well engage as jester/ J / And the Count said: 
' ' Thou sayest truly, lad. ' ' 

c <f Nephew Guielin, what are we awaiting? . . ./We shall not 
see again either cousin or relative. ' ' . . . / " Uncle Guillaume, you 
talk in vain." 

^ ' ' Nephew Guielin, ' ' said he, ' * what do we here ? / Nevermore, 
I think, shall we return to France, / Nor ever embrace nephew or 
relative. ' ' . . . / " Uncle Guillaume, you speak in vain. ' ' . . . / 
"Nephew Guielin, how shall we manage 1 ? /We are all killed and 
delivered up to ruin. ' ' / ' ' Uncle Guillaume, you speak in folly. ' ' 



86 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Guillaume takes Bertrand's advice to marry Orable without 
delay : 

Et dit Bertrans: " Qu'alez vos atarjant 1 ? 

Tenez li bien tot le suen convenant, 

Si Fespousez a joie liemant." 

" Nies," dist Guillaumes, " tost a vostre commant." a 
{Prise d'Orenge, 1858) 

When Vivien, his favorite, perishes, it is Bertrand to whom he 
turns for comfort: 

Bertran ancontre, ces mos li a conteis, 
Anbedui plorent par fines amisteis. 
" Bias nies Bertrans, pres de moi vos teneis, 
Tant con vos voi ne puis estre esgareis." b 

(Chevalerie Vivien, ed. Terracher, 1926) 

The poet of Foucon represents Guillaume as being still depen- 
dent on Bertrand, and sighing: Dex de Bertran mon neveu c'or 
n'ai ga c (284, ed. Schultz-Gora), while Bertrand on his part 
still continues to advise his uncle and to direct his movements : 

" Mes il est biens que mes oncles remaigne 
Et si dui frere et li dux de Bretaigne." . . . 
" Oncle Guillaume," ce dit li cuens Bertranz, 
" Vos remandroiz et g'irai as anf anz." d 
(Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 4184 ff.) 

a And Bertrand says, l ' Why go you delaying ? / Keep strictly 
agreement with her, / And marry her joyfully and gladly. ' '/ 
'. l Nephew ' ', said Guillaume, ' ' at your command ! ' ' 

b He meets Bertrand, these words he related to him ; / Both weep 
for perfect love. /"Fair nephew Bertrand, keep near me; /So 
long as I see you, I cannot lose my way. ' ' 

c Oh ? God! Eor my nephew Bertrand, whom I have not here 
now! 

a ' ' But it is well that my uncle remain, / And his two brothers 
and the Duke of Brittany. " . . . / " Uncle Guillaume, ' ' says 
Count Bertrand, "You will remain and I will go to the youths.'' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 87 

The marchande of the Enfances Vivien asks advice of her 
husband's nephews, who are with her on her bartering trip, 
when she desires to pass Vivien off as her son (771). It is 
Aymeri the nephew of Girart, who brings him aid, and upon 
whom he relies: 

" Nies," dist Girars, " vos estes mes amis : 

Se ne puissiez, tos i fuisse honis. . . . 

Se tu ne fusse, je f usse mal baillis." a 

(Girart de Yienne, pp. 64, 72) 

On behalf of his uncle, Aymeri gets possession of the queen 
at the siege of Vienne, while Roland, on behalf of his uncle the 
Emperor, rescues her (Girart, p. 73). When Ernaut is hard 
pressed by Raoul de Cambrai, he depends upon his nephew 
Rocoul for help: 

Fuit s'en Ernaus broichant a esperon; 

Raous Penchauce qi cuer a de felon. 

Ernaus regarde contremont le sablon, 

Et voit Rocoul le nobile baron 

Qi tint la terre vers la val de Soisons. 

Nies fu Ernaut et cousins Bernecon. 

Avec lui vinrent .M. nobile baron. 

Ernaus le voit, vers lui broiche a bandon; 

Merci li crie por avoir garison. 

Ernaus c'escrie, poour ot de mourir: 

" Biaus nies Rocoul, bien me devez garir 

Envers Raoul qi ne me vieut guerpir, 

Ce m'a tolu dont devoie garir, 

Mon poing senestre a mon escu tenir; 

Or me manace de la teste tolir." 

Rocous l'o'i, del sens quida issir: 

" Oncles," dist il, " ne vos chaut de f ui'r ; " 

a " Nephew,' ' said Girart, "you are my friend; /If you could 
not prevent it, I should be disgraced. . . . / If it were not for thee, 
1 should be ill served." 



88 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Bataille ara Kaous, n'i puet faillir, 
Si fiere et dure con il porra soufrir." a 
(Baoul de Cambrai, 2887) 

The nephew is evidently considered an important asset in 
time of war, as being more reliable than the men of the rank 
and file, and more valuable even than the ordinary nourri; 
the poet of the Provencal Girart ascribes to Bertrand great 
influence and power on account of the possession of a large 
number of nephews: "Bertran avait vingt-cinq neveux, de 
grande valeur, tous fils de frere ou de soeur, aucun n'etait d'un 
degre plus eloigne." 76 

(i) Nephew as Successor or Heir 

The references to the disposal of the uncle's own property 
in favor of the nephew are not many, and there are no 
specific indications that the son is ever dispossessed in favor of 
the nephew, the retention of that particular phase of the regime 
of matriarchal principles seemingly not being a part of the sur- 
vival. The inference to be drawn is that the legal practise of 
the times influenced the poet in this respect to the detriment 
of the coherence of the sentimental survival. 

a Ernaut flees, digging in his spurs ; / Eaoul pursues him, who 
has the heart of a knave. / Ernaut looks up along the sandy plain, / 
And sees Eocoul, the noble baron / Who held the land about the 
valley of Soissons. / He was nephew to Ernaut and cousin to Ber- 
negon. / With him came a thousand noble barons. / Ernaut sees 
him, spurs towards him impetuously; / Implores him to come to 
succor him. / Ernaut cries, he was afraid of being killed : / " Fair 
nephew Eocoul, you must indeed protect me / Against Eaoul, who 
will not let me go. / He has taken from me that with which I was 
to protect myself, / My left hand, to hold my shield ; / Now he 
threatens to deprive me of my head. ' ' / Eocoul heard him, he 
almost went out of his senses : / " Uncle, ' ' said he, ' ' there is no 
need to flee; /Eaoul shall have battle, he cannot fail, /As fierce 
and hard as he can endure. ' ' 

76 Traduction Meyer, p. 261, § 562. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 89 

As we have seen, Charlemagne makes large grants to his 
nephews, but Louis is the natural heir to the realm, and yet 
the Emperor seems to leave him his kingdom regretfully, know- 
ing his unworthiness — he is a malvais iretier 71 Professor Hart 
remarks : " Like Beowulf to Hygelac, Roland was sister's son to 
Charlemagne. The relation, obviously enough, was a close 
one, though in both cases that of own son was closer. It was 
Heardred, it will be remembered, who succeeded Hygelac, and 
of Louis Charles says to Aude: II est mes fih, tendrat mes 
marches grandest {Roland, 3716)." 78 The argument is not 
conclusive, however, that the son stands nearer than the nephew, 
for the evidence of the whole poem goes to show that the senti- 
mental relation between uncle and nephew is much closer than 
that between father and son; Louis is not even mentioned be- 
fore this passage, and Charles makes the statement that he is 
his heir only after the death of Roland, when he is trying to 
console Aude and to compensate her as best he can for the 
loss of her fiance; so this unpremeditated exclamation of his 
must not outweigh the testimony of the entire poem. Then, 
too, there is the outburst of the Emperor in an earlier cam- 
paign, when he has been persuaded by Ganelon that his nephew 
Roland is dead : Car jou ai perdu cel(s) ou ma couronne apent b 
(Fierabras, 4467). The poet of the Entree en Espagne, too, 
makes him say to Roland, who is about to combat Ferragus : " Si 
je vous perds, je vais rester tout seul, comme pauvre dame 
quand a perdu Pepoux; doux ami, je n'ai plus de fils apres ma 
mort." 79 So that on the whole the question of legal inheritance 
is disregarded by the poet, while he emphasizes the sentimental 

a He is my son, he will hold my great estates. 
t> For I have lost him to whom my crown belongs. 

77 Cf. Couronnement de Lows, 50 if.; Gautier, Epopees Fran- 
gaises, III, 737. 

7SW. M. Hart, " Ballad and Epic," in Harvard Stud. & Notes 
in Phil. $ Lit., XI (1907), p. 231. 

79 Ms. fr. de Venise, XXI, f ° 31 r°, cited by Gautier, Ep. Fran., 



90 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

bestowal of property, and as will be seen, this sentimental 
aspect is merely a survival of what was once the legal method 
of disposal. If Charlemagne does not return from his long 
absence, the entire realm of France will continue in the hands 
of the temporary king, his sister's son Gui, who is the natural 
heir: 

"Et se il ne revient, si aura l'erite; 
Car nos ne volons mie Karlon deseriter." a 
(Gui de Bourgogne, 224) 

There is a reference in Foucon to a sword of Pepin's, which 
descended to a sister's son, and eventually came into the posses- 
sion of Foucon: 

" Se vers Orenges poons penre sejor, 
Ge cuit prover mon vert bran de color, 80 
Qui fu Pepin lo maigne empereor, 
Dom il occist Justamont en l'estor; 
Apres sa mort l'ot unz fiz sa seror." b 
{Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 623). 

King Gondrebuef holds the realm of Brittany for his nephew 
Anseis : 

Roi Gondrebuef truevent et sa maisnie, 

Ki de Bretagne tenoit la seignorie; 

Pour Anseis avoit l'onor saisie, 

a "And if he returns not, he will have the heritage; / For we do 
not wish to disinherit Charles. ' ' 

b " If near Orange we can make our stand, / 1 expect to try my 
blade flashing green, / Which belonged to Pepin, the great em- 
peror, / With which he slew Justamont in the combat ; / After his 
death a son of his sister had it." 

so Sehultz-Gora reads por voir, with a comma before and after 
the phrase, but the Boulogne ms. has prover, which is certainly 
preferable. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 91 

Ses nies estoit, si l'aime sans boisdie. a 
(Anse'is de Cartage, 8985) 
Karaheu claims Rome, because it once belonged to his uncle : 
a Qu'il vos laist Rome tenir vostre herite, 
Ce f u vostre uncle Costentin l'alose." b 
(Chevalerie Ogier, 1415) 
Boniface asks the Emperor's permission to make his nephew 
Garin his heir; here, to be sure, the reason seems to be that he 
has no children: 

" Vez ci Garin, qui est de mon linaje, 
Filz Aymeri le hardi conte et saje, 
N'ai filz ne fille qui ait mon eritaje. 
Se il vos plest et il vient en corage 
Que je li doigne ma terre et mon menaje? 
Qu'il est mes nies, del mieuz de mon linaje." c 
(Narbonnais, 3091) 
The nephew of Aymer de Losengne inherits his uncle's land: 
" D'Aymer est la perte recovree, 
Le bon vassal qui la vie a finee. 
Cist est ses nies, fiz sa seror l'ainnee; 
Bien doit tenir la terre et la contree 
Qui f u son oncle a la chiere menbree." d 
{Aymeri de Narbonne, 1881) 

a King Gondrebuef they find and his household, / Who held 
lordship over Brittany; /For Anseis he had seized the land, / His 
nephew was he, he loves him without deceit. 

t> ' ' That he let you hold Borne, your heritage ; / It was your 
uncle Constantine 's, the honored. ' ' 

c ' ' See Garin here, who is of my lineage, / Son of Aymeri, the 
hardy count, the wise ; / 1 have no son nor daughter who may have 
my heritage. / If it please you, and is your will / That I give him 
my land and my home? / For he is my nephew, of the best of my 
race. ' ' 

a ( l Of Aymer is the loss replaced, / The good young noble whose 
life has ended. / This is his nephew, son of his sister the eldest 
born; /Indeed he must hold the land and the territory/ That was 
his uncle 's of the intelligent face. ' ' 



92 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Gui offers to protect his uncle's wife Guibore and to rule the 
land after Willame's death : 

Quant Tot Guillelmes, prist le chief a croller, 
Plurat des oeilz tendrement e suef, 
L'enfant apelet, sil prist a acoler, 
Treis f eiz le baiset, e puis li at mustre : 
" A la f ei, nies, sagement as parle. 
Cors as d'enfant, e raisun as de ber. 
Apres ma mort tei seit mis fiez donez." a 
{Willame, ed. Suchier, 1476) 

At the end of the poem Willame repeats his promise : Apres ma 
mort tien tot m'erite h (1981). Girart du Frate, when about 
to start on the dangerous expedition to the gorge of Aspremont, 
bequeaths his property : 

Girart du Frate a la chiere membree, 
Si tost com out sa terre deuisee, 
A ses neuez et a ses fiz donee . . . c 
{Aspremont, ed. Bekker, p. 2, col. 2) 

(j) Bole of Uncle in the Blood-Feud 

Most conspicuous among all the attributes of the uncle is his 
position as avenger of the death of the nephew. In starting or 
in carrying on the blood-feud it is the uncle who plays the most 
important part; likewise, the prime duty of the nephew is to 
avenge the uncle's death, imprisonment, or defeat. The utmost 
vindictiveness characterizes this thirst for vengeance, only one 

a When Guillaume hears him, he began to shake his head ; / He 
wept tenderly and softly, / Calls the child and began to caress 
him; /Three times he kisses him and then points out to him: / 
" Truly, nephew; thou hast spoken wisely. / The body of a child 
hast thou, and the language of a baron. / After my death let my 
fief be given to thee. ' ' 

b After my death hold all my heritage. 

c Girart du Frate of the keen visage, / As soon as he had divided 
his land, / And given it to his nephews and his sons. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 93 

or two cases of lenience or of reconciliation being recorded in 
the French epic, and the moral obligation of the uncle in this 
respect is very strongly emphasized by the poet. Occasionally 
the uncle applies the principle of an eye for an eye in his 
demand of a nephew for a nephew, and sometimes, too, he 
must suffer for his nephew's crimes or shortcomings, if his 
enemy can lay hold upon him. The instances of vengeance 
threatened or taken are numerous; the principle and the lan- 
guage are about the same in each case. This and the ques- 
tion of inheritance are the most noticeable features of the epic 
which bear a resemblance to the commoner practises of Mother- 
right as we know them; if the blood-feud plays a larger part 
in the epic than inheritance does, it is because of the greater 
proportion generally given to war and battles; inheritance, like 
the other peaceful relations within the family, has less occasion 
to be introduced by the poet. While in primitive society the 
legal aspect of the relations between the two, i. e., inheritance, 
etc., was equally important with the ethical and sentimental 
relations, in the Chanson de Geste it is the latter aspect which 
predominates. Thus barbaric influence prevails to a large 
extent over that of organized society in its effect upon the 
French epic. 

Thus Charlemagne prays to God for the power to avenge the 
death of Eoland : 

"La tue amur me seit hoi en present. 
Par ta mercit, se tei plaist, me cunsent 
Que mun nevuld poisse vengier Rollant." a 
(Chanson de Roland, 3107) 

And when his barons try to dissuade him, asking mercy for 
Ganelon, he is irritated at their attitude, and exclaims: Vus 
estes mi felun h (3814). In the Baligant episode he takes ven- 
geance upon the Saracens, while from verse 3805 to the end 

a ' ' May thy love be present with me today. / By thy mercy, if it 
pleaseth thee, grant / That I may avenge my nephew Roland. ' ' 
t» You are my knaves. 



94 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

of the poem lie is engaged in his work of punishing Ganelon. 
In Anseis, when he orders the execution of Marsile, it is be- 
cause the thought of Roland comes to his mind and induces him 
to make his vengeance complete, and he cries : Vengier vaurrai 
mon cier neveu Rollant 3 - (10198). 

He takes vengeance upon the guilty Saxons for the death of 
Baudoin : La mort de son neveu vange molt fieremant b (Saisnes, 
CCLXII, 5). He wants to wreak vengeance upon Ogier, qui 
son neveu li a ochis Loihier (Chevalerie Ogier, 4318). He 
starts the feud with Renaut de Montauban because : 

Renaus li filz Aimon qui tant ot de bontez 
Occit puis Bertolai d'un eschac pointure, 
Le neveu Karlemaine, dunt li rois fu irez. d 
{Vivien de Monbranc, 19) 

He vows : Jamais ne finerai, s'es aurai vergondes e (Renaut, 
p. 73, 21) ; the situation is summed up in the words of Renaut: 

"II m'ot ocis mon honcle, dont je fui mult ires, 
Le due Buef d'Aigremont ki tant ot de bonte . . . • 
Bertolai en feri .i. cop desmesure, 
.1. neveu Karlemaine que mult avoit ame. . . . 
Adonc me prist li rois de France a regarder, 
Qu'il me voloit ocirre et les membres coper. 
Mes linages nel pot sofrire ne endurer. . . . 
La me fist a mon pere guerpir et desfier, 
Que jamais entor lui ne prendroie .i. disner." f 
(Renaut de Montauban, p. 227) 

a I want to avenge my dear nephew Roland. 

b The death of his nephew he avenges very fiercely. 

c Who slew his nephew Loihier. 

^ Renaut, the son of Aymon, who so much goodness had, / Slew 
Bertolai then with a painted chessboard, / The nephew of Charle- 
magne, at which the King was enraged. 

e Never shall I stop, till I have covered them with dishonor. 

f 1 1 He slew my uncle, at which I was sore angry, / Duke Bovon 
d 'Aigremont who had so much goodness. '■' . . . / 1 struck Bertolai 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 95 

Girart de Roussillon threatens Ogier for the death of his 
nephew Pongon de Clarvent : 

" Ogiers de Danemarche, li cors Deu te cravant, 
Tu as mort mon neveu que je amoie tant. 
Se je puis esploitier, tu en seras dolant." a 
(Renaut de Montauban, p. 32, 10) 

Bovon threatens revenge when his nephew Coine is killed by 
the Emperor: 

Atant parti des rens dus Bueves l'alosse, 
Et escrie : " Aigremont ! Karles ou ies ale ? 
Mon neveu m'as ocis, que tant avoie ame. 
Jamais ne serai lies, si l'auras compare." b 
{Renaut, p. 34, 35) 

Wedon de Vermandois declares that if the family of Herbert 
slay Raoul, his uncle King Louis will avenge him: 

"Nies est le roi qi France a a baillier: 
Se l'ocions, par no grant encombrier, 
Ja l'enpereres mais ne nos avra chier : 
Toutes nos terres nos fera essilier; 
Et, s'il nos puet ne tenir ne baillier, 

a furious blow, / A nephew of Charlemagne, whom he loved much. ' ' 
. . . / l ' Then the King of Prance began to look at me, / As if he 
wished to slay me and dismember me. / My race could not endure 
nor suffer him. " . . . / There he made me to be forsaken and 
repudiated by my father, / So that nevermore shall I take dinner 
with him ! ' ' 

a ' ' Ogier of Denmark, may God annihilate thee ; / Thou hast 
killed my nephew whom I loved so much. / If I can succeed, thou 
shalt be sorry for it. ' ' 

b Straightway started Duke Bovon the honored from the ranks, / 
And cries : ' ' Aigremont ! Charles, where hast gone ? / My nephew 
thou hast slain, whom I loved so much. / Never shall I be joyful, 
till thou shalt have paid for it. ' ' 



96 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

II nos f era toz les menbres tranchier." a 
(Baoul de Cambrai, 2105) 

Ernaut de Douai reproaches Raoul: 

u Par Dieu, Raous, jamais ne t'amerai 
De ci qe mort et recreant t'avrai. 
Tu m'as ocis mon neveu Bertolai, 
Et Richerin qe durement amai, 
Et tant des autres qe nes recoverai." b 
{Raoul, 2786) 

Ouerri vows vengeance over the body of Raoul: 

Son neveu trueve, s'en fu en grant esmai. 
II le regrete si con je vos dirai : 
" Biax nies," dist il, " por vos grant dolor ai. 
Qi vos a mort jamais ne Famerai, 
Pais ne acorde ne trives n'en prendrai 
Desq'a cele eure qe toz mors les arai; 
Pendus as f orches toz les essillerai." c 
(Raoul, 3166) 

" Mi anemi sont ci devant voiant : 
Celui m'ont mort qe je amoie tant: 

a "He is nephew to the king who has France to govern; /If 
we slay him, to our great injury, / The Emperor will nevermore 
hold us dear; /All our lands he will have laid waste; /And if he 
can seize or hold us, / He will have all our limbs hewn' off. ' ' 

t> ' ' By Heaven, Baoul, nevermore will I love thee, / Until I have 
thee conquered and dead. / Thou hast slain my nephew Bertolai, / 
And Richerin whom I loved deeply, / And so many others that I 
shall not replace them. ,> 

c His nephew he finds, and fell into great dismay. / He laments 
him as I shall tell you : / ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said he, ' ' for you I have 
great grief. / Who has slain thee I shall never love, / Peace nor 
compact nor truce shall I accept / Until that hour when I shall have 
them all dead ; / Hanged on the gibbet I shall destroy them all. ' ' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 97 

Se je nel venge, taing moi a recreant." a 
(Baoul, 3254) 

" Se ne li trais le f oie et le poumon, 
Je ne me pris vaillant .j. esperon." b 
{Baoul, 3187) 

RaouPs mother comes to court and upbraids the king for let- 
ting Bernier even eat at his table after killing his nephew; if 
she were a man, she would show him before sunset with a 
sword : 

" Q'a tort ies roi, bien le pues afichier, 
Qant celui laises a ta table mengier 
Qi ton neveu fist les menbres trenchier." c 
{Baoul, 5230) 

Guerri, too, tries to induce the King to perform his duty and 
punish the murderer of Raoul: 

"De vo neveu fist l'arme departir; 
Je me mervel comment le pues soufrir 
Qe ne li fais toz les menbres tolir, 
Ou pendre as forches, ou a honte morir." d 
{Baoul, 4882) 

In the ms. of Girbert de Metz, Louis really does take vengeance 
on the slayer of Raoul {Baoul, Appendix, 657). In the legend 
of Auberi, we find him fearing to go to France, dreading the 
vengeance of the king for the loss of his nephews: 

a u My enemies are here before me visible; / Him they have killed 
whom I loved so much ; / If I do not avenge him, hold me 
cowardly. ' ' 

b"If I do not tear out his liver and his lungs, / 1 do not value 
myself as worth a spur. ' ' 

c l ' That wrongfully thou art king, well thou canst affirm, / When 
thou lettest him eat at thy table / Who had thy nephew 's limbs 
cut off." 

a "He caused your nephew's soul to depart; /I wonder how 
thou canst endure / Not to deprive him of all his limbs, / Or hang 
him on the gibbet, or put him to death disgracefully." 
8 



98 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

" Se uois en France, la serai ie oeis, 
Car trop me net li rois de Saint Denis; 
Si neueu erent Cil dui que i'ai oeis." a 
{Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 17) 

Early in the career of Vivien, we find his uncle Guillaume 
swearing to take vengeance if any ill befall him: 

" Nies," dist Guillaume, " Jesu te soit garant ; 
Mais par Fapostre que quierent peneant, 
Se tu i meurs por toi en mora tant 
De celle gent qui Deu n'aiment nient 
Que nes menroient .iii.c. cher charroient." 
Qant ot ce dit do cuer vait$sospirant. b 
(Enfances Vivien, 359) 

In the Chevdlerie Vivien, when the ill-starred hero is mortally 
wounded, Guillaume promises to avenge him: Si m'e'ist Bex, 
molt bien vengies sereis (1910). The pagans seem to expect 
Guillaume to take vengeance after the death of his nephew, for 
Desrame, after gloating over the vengeance he himself has 
taken on Guillaume for the death of his own nephew Aenre, 
taunts him and dares him to do his duty: 

" Perdu aves Vivien le vaillant . . . 
Cuvert, trai'tres ! Ja l'amies vous tant. 
Vien, si le venge a ton acerin brant ! " d 
(Aliseans, ed. Halle, 5931 ffi.) 

a "If I go to France, I shall be slain there, /For the King of 
Saint Denis hates me much ; / His nephews were those two whom 
I slew". 

t> ' ' Nephew, ' ' said Guillaume, ' ' may Jesus be thy protector ; / 
But by the Apostle whom penitents seek, / If thou diest, for thee 
shall die so many / Of that race who love not God at all, / That 
three hundred removal carts would not bear them away. ' ' / When 
he had said this, he goes sighing from his heart. 

c So may God help me, full well shall you be avenged. 

a ' ' You have destroyed Vivien the valiant. / Treacherous wretch, 
you loved him so. / Come thou, and avenge him with thy steel 
blade." 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 99 

The main theme of the poem of Foucon concerns the endeavor 
of the hero to obtain his revenge upon the slayers of his uncle 
Vivien. Likewise much of the poem of Baoul and other 
Chansons in addition to the many passages in which the in- 
tention to take vengeance is openly announced, make this an 
important feature of the story. 

(k) Bole of Nephew in the Blood-Feud 

In the matter of vengeance, the solidarity between uncle and 
nephew is complete, for it is the duty of each to start the 
blood-feud for the death of the other. In Baoul de Cambrai, 
the child Gautier looks on the dead body of Raoul with emo- 
tion, and vows vengeance ; the quarrel rests until he has reached 
an age to bear arms, whereupon Raoul's mother summons him 
and stirs his recollections; he refuses to make peace with Ber- 
nier, who offers a composition, or indemnity: 

" Oncles," dist il, " tos ai duel acointie. 
Qi de nos .ij. a parti l'amistie 
Ne l'amerai si Farai essilie, 
Ars ou destruit ou del regne chacie. . . . 
Se Dex se done q'aie tant de duree 
Qe je eiise la ventaille fermee, 
L'iaume lacie, enpoigne Tespee, 
Ne seroit pas si en pais la contree. 
La vostre mort seroit chier eomparee." a 
{Baoul, 3614, 3641) 

Une grant piece covint puis detrier 

Ceste grant guerre dont m'oes ci plaidier; 

Mais Gauteles la refist commencier. 

a ' ' Uncle, ' ' said he, ' ( early have I learned to know sorrow. / The 
one who has ended the friendship of us two, / Never shall I love 
him till I shall have exterminated him, / Burned or destroyed or 
driven him from the realm. " . . ."If God grants that I may last 
so long / Until I should have the vental closed, / The helmet laced, 
the sword in hand, / The region would not be so at peace. / Your 
death would be dearly redeemed." 



100 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Tantost com pot monter sor son destrier, 
Porter les armes, son escu manoier, 
Molt se pena de son oncle vengier. a 
(Raoul, 3732) 

"Biax nies," dist ele, "or sai de verite 
Raoul vostre oncle aveiz tout oublie, 
Son vaselaige et sa nobilite." b 
{Raoul, 3752) 

" Qant ces nies estes, a moi vos apaies; 
Prenes l'amende, se faire le dengnies. 
Vostre horn serai, de vos tenrai mes ties." c 
{Raoul, 4006) 

The poem of Foucon hinges largely upon the feud under- 
taken to avenge the death of Vivien by his nephew Foucon, 
who bids his mother prepare letters summoning the aid of the 
entire family, and enunciates the principle that ains venge nies 
que frere: 

" Mais f ai escrivre e si f ai seialx faire, 
Ses envoiex a la gent de vostre aire, 
Cor vos secorent, que bien lo devez faire; 
Toz jors l'oi dire : ainz venge nies que f raire." d 
{Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 534) 

a A long time it was necessary then to defer / This great war 
which you hear me hear relate ; / But Gautier caused it to begin 
again. / As soon as he could mount his steed, / Bear arms, handle 
his shield, / He strove much to avenge his uncle. 

b ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said she, l ' now I know in truth / E-aoul your 
uncle you have quite forgotten, / His courage and his nobility. ' ' 

c ' ' If you are his nephew, make peace with me. / Take the 
reparation, if you deign so to do. / 1 will be your man, and hold 
my fiefs from you. " 

a ' ' But have letters written and sealed, / And send them to the 
people of your race, / That they aid you now, for truly you must 
do so ; / Always I hear said : rather does nephew than brother take 
vengeance. ' ' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 101 

Foucon strikes Tibaut and almost kills him, and the poet 
remarks : 

Se ne tornast en son poing la jostise, 

De Vivien fust la venjance prise. a 
(Foucon, 1712) 

And Foucon bears in mind throughout the poem the object for 
which the war is undertaken, for he exclaims: La mort mon 
oncle ne Vai m'ie obliee h (7426). 

The poem of Benaut de Montauban is filled with recrimina- 
tions and threats of vengeance on the part of uncle or nephew : 
Renaut demands vengeance for the death of his uncle Bovon, 
and kills the Emperor's nephew Bertolai out of revenge, thus 
renewing the feud which fills the rest of the book : 

" Mais de la mort mon oncle li parlemens sera, 
Que feistes ocirre, dont malement vos va. 
De lui vos demant droit par eel qui nos cria. 
Mi honcle et li miens peres s'amainerent piega; 
Mais endroit moi, dans rois, nel creanterai ja." c 
(Renaut, p. 51, 37) 

The hatred between Renaut and Foucon de Morillon is mutual, 
and for a similar reason in each case : 

Fouque de Moreillon, que Renaus haoit si; 
L ? autre an ocist son oncle, au branc d'acier forbi. d 
(Renaut, p. 62, 1) 

a If the judgment had not turned in his hand, / Vengeance for 
Vivien would have been taken. 

b The death of my uncle have I not forgotten. 

c ' l But the talk will be of the death of my uncle, / Whom you 
had slain, wherefore it goes ill with you. / For him I demand 
satisfaction of you, by Him who created us. / My uncles and my 
father became reconciled long ago ; / But as for me, Sir King, 
I will not grant it." 

a Foucon de Morillon, whom Renaut hated so ; / Last year he 
slew his uncle with his polished blade of steel. 



102 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

" Seignor, franc chevalier, mult doi hair Renaut. 
A grant tort m'a oeis mon honcle Bertolai." a 
{Benaut, p. 164, 30) 

Maugis renews the anger of Renaut by reminding him of the 
death of his uncle Bovon: Benaus ce fu vostre oncle (p. 218, 
16). Rispeu threatens Renaut's brother Richart, who is a cap- 
tive in the hands of the enemy: 

u La mort Foucon, mon honcle, vos f erai comparer, 
Que Renaus m'a ocis sos Balengon, as gues." b 
{Benaut, p. 275, 31) 

Gontier strikes and upbraids Gormond for killing his uncle 
Hugon, but it is King Louis who completes the vengeance : 

Al rei Gormund brochant en vient, 
Sil fiert sur sun helme vergie. c 
{Gormont et Isembard, 341) 

The murder of Begon, brother of Garin, arouses his nephews; 
the bon abe Lietri threatens to tear off: his clerical robe and 
punish the murderer: 

" Or me verrez de moniage issir, 
Le blanc haubert endosser et vestir." d 
{Garin, II, 250) 

The young Rigaut stirs up the family to vengeance, announcing 
the death first to the franche enpereris, his aunt, and to his 
uncle Hernais, riding first to Paris, then to Orleans, and lin- 
gering only long enough to tell his story, then on to Blaives : 

a "My lords, noble knights, I must hate Benaut deeply; /Wrong- 
fully he slew my uncle Bertolai. ' ' 

b ' ' The death of Foueon, my uncle, I shall make you atone for, / 
Whom Eenaut slew near Balengon, at the ford." 

c To King Gormond spurring he comes, / And strikes him upon 
his carven helm. 

d "Now you will see me leave my monkhood, / Clothe and garb 
me in the white hauberk." 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 103 

" Oncles," dist il, " male nouvelle a ci ! 
Qui vous a mors il n'est pas mes amins." a 
(Garin, II, 254) 

Garsion plans to avenge the death of his uncle Gui : 

Et Garsions, ki les ceviaus ot blois, 
Ki pour Guion, son oncle, fu destrois, 
Vengier le cuide, anchois ke past li mois. b 
(Anse'is de Cartage, 10094) 

Bichart swears vengeance upon the Emperor: 

" Dame," ce dist Richart, " ne seroit pas reison. 
Kalles ocist mon oncle par mortel traison, 
En sauf conduit Focist, si com bien le savon. 
James ne l'ameroi, foi que nos vous devon. 
Se Diex nos donne vie encor nos vengeron." c 
( Vivien de Monbranc, p. 57) 

Otinel, during a combat with Roland, calls for vengeance: la 
mort de mon oncle Femagu te demant (Otinel, 420). Gamier, 
instead of taking vengeance for the death of his uncle, re- 
quires allegiance of his murderers: 

" Vos et vostre lingnage oceistes Buevon, 
Mon oncle debonaire, quant venoit d'Aigremont, 
Et vos estez mi homme por la mort au baron. 
Qui le me reprovez, de droit vos en semon." d 
(Aye d' Avignon, 166) 
a l ' Uncle, ' ' said he, l ' bad news is here ! / He who killed you is 
no friend of mine. ' ' 

b And Garsion, the blond-haired, / Who for Gui, his uncle, was 
distressed, / He thinks to avenge him ere the month be past. 

c * ' Lady, ' ' said Richart, ' ' that would not be right. / Charles 
slew my uncle in mortal treason. / In safe conduct he slew him, as 
well we know. / Nevermore shall I love him, by the faith we owe 
you. / If God gives us life, we shall still take vengeance. ' ' 

a ' e You and your lineage slew Bovon, / My gentle uncle, when 
he was coming from Aigremont, / And you are my men by the 
death of the baron ; / You who reproach me for it, rightfully I 



104 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

In Anseis de Mes, we find a nephew introduced apparently for 
the sole purpose of taking vengeance; Anseis kills Gillemer, 
whose nephew Poncon immediately avenges him by slaying 
Anseis : 

Mort le trebuce, qui qu'en poist ne cui non. 

Dex, com en poise .1. sien neveut Poncon ! a 
{Anseis de Mes, 464, 18) 

There are occasional instances of a feud being carried on for 
injuries or insults offered to the uncle or the nephew, and in 
such cases we sometimes find a nephew who is not important in 
any other connection taking up the defense of his uncle, thus 
seemingly being introduced into the story for this particular 
purpose, although the great majority of instances of vengeance 
occur at the hand of uncles or nephews who are an integral part 
of the story. Aymeri precipitates a war between Girart de 
Vienne and Charlemagne by telling his uncle Girart of the trick 
played upon him by the Empress, who had caused him to kiss 
her foot instead of that of the Emperor in doing homage; 
Aymeri attempts to wreak a summary vengeance upon the lady 
by attacking her with a knife, but is prevented, and reports the 
affair to his relatives at Yienne, after declaring : 

"Molt est proudom Dam Girart le guerrier; 
De duel morai, se je ne V puis vangier." b 
(Girart de Vienne, p. 52) 

Gascelin kills Lambert for persecuting his uncle Auberi; Lam- 
bert's nephew Helinant demands vengeance of Pepin, and the 
two nephews fight in single combat to decide which is in the 
right (Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 124 ff.). Gautier, who has cap- 
tured the Sultan, threatens to kill him to avenge the captivity 
of his uncle Ogier, whereupon the former offers to purchase 
indemnity by giving him money wherewith to ransom Ogier : 

a He strikes him dead, whether it may grieve anyone or not. / 
Heavens! How it grieves his nephew Ponton! 

t> "Brave and honorable is Sir Girart the warrior; / 1 shall die of 
grief, if I cannot avenge him. " 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 105 

" Pourcoi alas Ogier emprisonnant, 
Le plus prodonme de ce siecle vivant? 
Or te ferai ja pendre pour .1. tant; 
Si en sera vengie li dux puissant." . . . 
" Et si raurez votre chier onele Ogier, 
Et Moysant sain et sauf et entier. . . . 
Et vous rendrai Ogier qui tant est ber, 
Votre ehier oncle que tant poez amer." a 
(Deliverance Ogier, 65, 88, 107) 

The Count of Bourges takes up the defense of his uncle Elie, 
who has been driven from his estates by the King : 

Le signor de Boorghes o le vis cler 
Qui guerroie le roi par grant fierte 
Por ehou qu'il a lor oncle desirete, 
Elie le franc due qui tant fu ber. b 
(Aiol, 1398) 

The nephew frequently upholds his uncle's honor by defend- 
ing his cause in single combat, being selected as champion and 
engaging in the fight with that purpose in mind. The nephew 
is sometimes made to atone for the uncle's crimes, or a threat 
to that end is made, the moral effect of which is to deter the 
uncle from committing some deed of violence that he has in 
mind, on account of the ultimate effect it will have upon his 
nephew's fate. Makaire's nephew Gerart and his friends try 
to convince him that he had best not kill Aiol, whom he has 
in his power, because the King has the flower of their rela- 

a « < Why goest thou imprisoning Ogier, / The most worthy knight 
living in this world ? / Now I shall have thee hanged for that ; / 
And the powerful duke will be avenged." . . ./"And you will 
have again your dear uncle Ogier, / And Moysant safe and sound 
and whole. ' ' . . . / " And I will restore to you Ogier the dis- 
tinguished, / Your dear uncle whom you love so much. ' ' 

b The lord of Bourges, fair of face, / Who is warring with the 
King so haughtily, / Because he has disinherited their uncle, / 
Elie, the noble duke, the distinguished. 



106 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

tives and will surely wreak his vengeance upon them for the 
death of his sister's son: 

" Car li rois a la fors de nos millors amis, 
Et oncles et parens et neveus et cousins: 
S'or ochies Aiol, ja nes reverons vis." a 
(Aiol, 8755; cf. 9165) 

When Aymeri sees his son Guibelin nailed to the cross he 
sends word that one of his own captives, the Emir's favorite 
nephew, shall suffer for it, and the uncle is thereby induced to 
show mercy to his victim: 

" Se ne me ranz Guibelin an sante, 
Ja sera mort le neveu l'amire." . . . 
. . . Clargis de Valplenier, 
Desor toz homes l'avoit l'amirant chier; 
Ses nies estoit . . . 
. . . filz sa seror l'ainnee. b 

{Narbonnais, 5292, 5366, 5668, 6518) 

Corsolt, the nephew of Galafre, is chosen as combattant against 
Guillaume, and the Saracen king offers his sons as hostages; 
these passages afford an interesting comparison of the relative 
practical value of son and nephew : the hope of the Saracen is 
fixed upon his nephew, while the sons have only a passive part 
in the little drama (Couronnement Louis, 486 ff., 620 ff.). The 
duel between Roland and Oliver is on account of their re- 
spective uncles, whose reputation each engages to defend 
(Girart de Vienne, pp. 103 ff., 133 ff.). Girart de Rivier, 
niez Gamier et de sa seror nez, offers to defend his uncle 
against the charge of treason, but Gamier prefers to fight for 
himself {Aye d? Avignon, 296 ff.). 

a ' ' For the King has out there some of our best friends, / And 
uncles and relatives and nephews and cousins ; / If now you slay 
Aiol, we shall ne'er see them again alive." 

t> ' ' If thou dost not restore Guibelin to me unharmed, / The 
nephew of the Emir shall be put to death. ' ' . . . / Clargis de Val- 
plenier., / Above all men the Emir held him dear. . . . / His nephew 
was he, / Son of his sister, the eldest born. 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 107 



(I) Claims of Nephew 

The allusions are many to the . claims and rights of the 
nephew, the poet's own statements confirming the words of the 
characters themselves. The nephew calls upon his uncle for 
assistance in time of danger, and is sure of its being granted, 
for such is the duty of the uncle; the uncle acts contrary to 
the claims of relationship when he arbitrarily sends the nephew 
into danger ; it is his duty to love his nephew, to give him power, 
to avenge him. We have seen how these various features are 
carried out by the individuals of the Chansons de Geste, now 
it remains to note that they were the very requirements of the 
relationship itself. The poet both in his own person and in 
that of the characters frequently voices opinions as to the 
ethical significance of this relationship; for purposes of inves- 
tigation, his dogmatic utterances are more important than his 
application of them in the course of the narrative. His con- 
ception as to the duties of the uncle towards the nephew and 
the claims of the latter, his uncompromising belief in the 
fundamental harmony of this relationship, his consistent proc- 
lamation of the rights of each party, constitute a tradition that 
must have had its roots far back in the life of the people — 
a root that in the poet's own time must still have supplied con- 
siderable nourishment to the branches of the ' family tree.' 

By virtue of the relationship the uncle should love and cher- 
ish the nephew ; he who does not is a knave : 

"& Deus dist Willame vus me uolez aider; 
Fel seit li uncles qui bon nevov nad cher." a 
(Cangun de Willame, ed. Chiswick, 2549) 

The child Gautier, looking upon the body of his uncle Baoul, 
thus apostrophizes the murderer Bernier: 

a "Ah, God!" said Willame, "you wish to aid me; /Be the 
uncle a knave who holds not a good nephew dear. ' ' 



108 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

"drivers bastars, con tu m'as fait irie! 
Se m'as tolu dont devoie estre aidie." a 
(Raoul de Cambrai, 3618) 

Berart chides the Emperor when he becomes ruffled at the 
pranks of his nephew Baudoin: 

"Vos estes d'un lignage andui estrait et ne, 
N'ave f ors lui neveu : tanez le an cherte." b 
{Chanson des Saisnes, CXLP, 33) 

Helissant tells Queen Sibille who Baudoin is : 

" C'est li nies Karlemaine, tres bien l'os afiier, 
De sa seror germaine, molt le doi[t] avoir chier. 
Ses freres fu Rollanz, li compainz Ollivier; 
Por le meillor de France n'estuet cestu changier." c 
{Saisnes, LXVII, 29) 

Renaut's friends urge King Yon not to betray him to Charle- 
magne, for his sons are Yon's nephews, whom he must cherish : 

"Vo sereur li donastes a moillier et a per, 
Renaus en a .ii. fils que mult deves amer." d 
{Benaut de Montauban, p. 157, 15) 

Henri d'Ostenne ought to love his nephew Auberi, but does 
not: 

L'enf ant deiist amer, 
S'il fust preudoms, et ses honnors garden 

a ' l Baseborn wretch, how thou hast angered me ! / Thou hast 
taken him from me by whom I was to be aided. ' ' 

b ' ' You are both of one lineage descended and born ; / You have 
no nephew save him : hold him dear. , ' 

c ' ' He is the nephew of Charlemagne, well I dare affirm it, / By 
his sister ; very dear must he hold him. / His brother was Roland, 
the companion of Oliver ; / For the best in France there is no need 
to exchange him. " 

a "Your sister you gave him to wife and as peer; /Renaut has 
two sons by her, whom you must love. " 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 109 

Mes il le het de la teste couper. a 
(Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 5) 

Here we have the unusual spectacle of the wicked uncle, 
common enough in the history of the Merovingian period, but 
so infrequent in the French epic that it can be dismissed with 
a brief reference. Such cases doubtless existed often enough 
in mediaeval France, but they do not seem to have appealed to 
the poets as material for epic use. Other branches of literature 
utilize the theme more often; for instance, the wicked uncle is 
frequently found in English popular literature. 81 The very 
treatment of the subject shows that it was foreign to the general 
conception of the uncle; the poet of Auberi makes this plain 
when he remarks: 

Or ne sai je la ou se peut fier 
Quant l'oncle velt le neveu afoler! b 
{Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 6) 

This is said in connection with the harsh treatment which 
Auberi receives at the hands of his father's brother Henri. 
Odon, likewise, is a wicked uncle to him, plotting to kill him 
at the moment when he pretends to be most fond of him; 
Auberi cannot believe this when he is informed of it, for Odon 
is his maternal uncle, and as such cannot fail him, he thinks. 82 
After his speedy disillusionment, Auberi refers to these two 
uncles as mes mortex anemis. 83 Another Odon, the uncle of 
Huon de Bordeaux, receives his nephew very kindly, but plots 
his murder, and is finally killed by Huon : 

a He ought to have loved the child, / If he had been a man of 
honor, and to have protected his lands, / But he hates him enough 
to cut off Ms head. 

b Now I know not where one can put trust, / When the uncle 
wishes to injure the nephew! 

si Cf. F. B. Gummere, 'The Sister's Son,' in the Furnivall 
Miscellany. 

82 Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 17, cited on page 71. 
ss Auberi, ed. Tobler, p. 104, 17. 



110 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Cist maus traistres a moult le sens derve: 
C'est fix son frere qu'il veut la jus tuer. a 
(Huon de Bordeaux, 4311) 

King Louis, while not intentionally a bad uncle, is accused of 
causing the whole war between Raoul and the Vermandois by 
giving away his nephew's rightful inheritance : 

Rois Loeys fist le jor grant folaige 
Qi son neveu toli son eritaige. . . . 

" Et vos, fox rois, on vos en doit blasmer : 
Vos nies est l'enfes, nel deiissies penser, 
Ne sa grant terre vers autrui delivrer." . . . 

" Drois empereres, Dex te doinst encombrier ! 
Car ceste guere feis tu commencier, 
Raoul mon oncle ocire et detranchier." b 
{Baoul de Cambrai, 135, 304, 5142) 

The Emperor Alexis and his nephew Tatiee (Tatixos) have a 
quarrel, and the nephew complains that the former has not 
performed his duty towards him: 

Quant E statins oi que il fin n'i metra, 

De son oncle est partis que il gaires n'ama . . . 

..." Mon oncle trai m'a, 
Li cuivers empereres qui sa foi menti a. 
Dame Diex le maudie qui le mont estora." c 
{Chanson d'Antioche, II, 471, 477) 

a This vile traitor has lost his senses; /It is his brother's son 
whom he wishes to kill yonder. 

b King Louis committed that day a great folly, / Who took from 
his nephew his heritage. . . . / " And you, mad King, one must 
blame you for it; / This youth is your nephew; you ought not to 
have thought it, / Nor to have delivered his broad lands to another. ' * 
/' ' Eightf ul Emperor, may God give you ill ! / For thou didst cause 
this war to begin, / And Eaoul my uncle to be slain and cut to 
pieces. ' ' 

c When Tatiee heard that he will not put an end to it, / He left 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 111 

The nephew has a right to the uncle's favor and preference; 
Makaire is angry with King Louis because of favors shown to 
Aiol, whom he thinks a stranger ; he bitterly exclaims : 

" Or sont li avole miex en vo court 
Que ne sont vo neveu ne li millor." a 
(Aiol, 4189) 

Raoul asks the King for a fief, because, he says: Vostre nies 
sui, ne me doi meserrer h (Raoul de Cambrai, 838). The uncle 
will submit to liberties taken by the nephew; otherwise Gui de 
Bourgogne would not dare to take charge of the kingdom in 
the absence of the Emperor: 

" Se revient l'emperere ariere en son rene 
Et il trueve eelui que l'aions corone, 
II ne l'ocira mie, de son linage est ne." . . . 

" Se Dex m'ait," se dist Karlemaine au vis fier, 
" S'il ne fust mes parens mes cousins ou mes niez, 
II ne Posast panser, por les membres tranchier, 
Ne li enfant de France ne l'eussent laissie 
Que ja corone d'or eust mis sor son chief." c 
(Gui de Bourgogne, 221, 3158) 

The uncle must not fail his nephew in time of need; Guerri, 
the uncle of Raoul, declares : 

his uncle, whom he loved not much. . . . / ' ' My uncle has betrayed 
me, / The base emperor who has belied his pledge. / May the Lord 
Grod curse him, who established the world. ' ' 

a ' ' Now are strangers better off at your court / Than are your 
nephews or the best." 

b Your nephew am I, I cannot be mistaken. 

c ( l If the Emperor comes back to his kingdom, / And finds him 
whom we have crowned, / He will not slay him, of his lineage he is 
born. " . . . / " So help me God, ' ' said Charlemagne of the proud 
visage, / ' ' If he were not my relative, my cousin or my nephew, / 
He would not have dared think it, at the risk of his limbs, / Nor 
would the youth of France have allowed / That he should ever 
have put crown of gold upon his head." 



112 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

"Ains me lairoie toz les membres colper 
Mon neveu faille tant com puisse durer." a 
(Raoul de Cambrai, 317) 

Gautier, the grand-nephew of the Emperor, proclaims his 
rights, saying that Louis ought not to show any mercy or favor 
to Gautier's enemy Bernier: 

" Drois empereres," dist il, " grant tort aveis. 
Je sui vos nies, faillir ne me deveiz." b 
(Raoul de Cambrai, 5438) 

When the Saracens attack Narbonne in the absence of Aymeri, 
it is suggested that he shall apply to his uncle Girart for help : 

" Proierai lui, se de rien vos a chier, 
Que vos secore a ce besong premier; 
II est vostre oncles, si vos doit bien aidier." e 
(Aymeri de Narbonne, 3797) 

Begon expresses his willingness to help his nephew Auberi, and 
later sends to his own uncle Thierry for help : 

" Je ne lairoie por tot For que Diex fist 
Que n'aille aidier mon chier nevou Aubri." . . . 

" Aus mons d'Aussai m'en irez a Thieri, 
II est mes oncles, si ne me doit faillir." d 
(Garin, I, 273; II, 102) 

By virtue of this relationship the nephew has claims upon 
others; Benoit asks Ogier to give arms to his brother Gui, 

a 1 1 Eather would I let all my limbs be cut off, / Than fail my 
nephew, as long as I can last. " 

b ' ' Rightful Emperor, ' ' said he, ' ' great wrong do you. / I am 
your nephew, you must not fail me. ' ' 

c ' ( I will beg him, if he holds you dear at all, / That he help you 
in this foremost need ; / He is your uncle, indeed he must aid you. ' ' 

d ( 1 1 would not fail, for all the gold that God made, / To go and 
help my dear nephew Auberi. " . . . / " You shall go to the Monts 
d 'Aussai, to Thierry ; / He is my uncle, he must not fail me. ' ' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 113 

because he is the Nies Beron qi uos par ama si 3 - (Chevalerie 
Ogier, 6973). Maueion bases his claims to the crown of France 
upon his relationship to the Emperor through the marriage of 
his father Ganelon to the Emperor's sister: 84 

" E si est mun pere Guenes, k'od Karlon est alez ; 
Sa serur od a f emme, si ke ben le savez : 
Pur ce dei en France estre haltement coronez." b 
(Gui de Bourgogne, p. 137) 

The uncle must not strike or threaten his nephew, send him into 
danger, nor shall he make fun of him: 

" Non f erez, frere," li quens Guillaumes dit, 
" II est tes nies et de ta seror fis." c 
(Garin, II, 245) 

" Sire," ce dist dus Namles, " merci, pour amour De ! 
Rollans est vostre nies et de vo sereur nes ; 
Se vous Pi envoies, jamais ne le venres." d 
(Fierabras, 2278) 

Quant Pentendi Aiols, molt fu iries, 

Et dist entre ses dens c'on ne Pot nient : 

"He! Dieux! chou est mes oncles, je sui ses nies; 

Si ne me deiist mie contralier." 

Sel seiist Pemperere qu'il fust ses nies, 

Ja n'i fust plus gabes ne laidengies, 

a The nephew of Beron who loved you so much. 

b ' ' And my father is Ganelon, who has gone with Charles ; / He 
had his sister to wife, as well you know; /For that should I be 
publicly crowned in France. " 

c"You shall not do it, brother/ ' said Count Guillaume ; / ' ' He 
is your nephew and your sister's son." 

a'^Sire," thus spoke Duke Naimon, " mercy, for the love of 
God! / Eoland is your nephew, and of your sister born; /If you 
send him there, never again will you see him." 

s* See E. Sauerland, Ganelon und sein Geschlecht, p. 39. 
9 



114 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Ains fust molt riehement aparellies. a 
(Aiol, 2640) 

Charlemagne considers it his personal duty to seek for the body 
of his nephew Roland: 

"Kar mei mei'sme estoet avant aler 
Pur mun nevuld que vuldreie truver." b 
(Roland, 2858) 

On the other hand, the nephew must reciprocate along the 
same lines ; he must love and serve his uncle and not fail him in 
time of need; particularly must he avenge the death of his 
uncle — this is his right, his duty even more than that of the son 
or brother. Oliver reminds Roland of the allegiance he owes 
the Emperor : 

"Par la foi que deves 
Karle vostre oncle, que tant amer deves, 
Que fei'ssiez?" c 

(Girart de Vienne, p. 76) 

The Emperor, after quarrelling with Foucon, the nephew of 
Girart, offers excuses for him : 

" Bien sai qu'il est dolans de ce qu'avons a f aire 
Entre moi et Girart; mas son devoir velt faire 
De servir son signeur, son oncle." d 
(Girart de Roussillon, 1533) 

a When Aiol heard him, much was he angered, / And said 
between his teeth so that none heard him, / ' ' Ah, G-od ! he is my 
uncle, I am his nephew; /He ought not to have sought a quarrel 
with me. ' ' . . . / If the Emperor had known that he was his 
nephew, no more would he have been mocked and insulted, / But 
rather would he have been richly apparelled. 

b « <■ For it is necessary for me to go ahead myself, / For my 
nephew whom I would like to find. " 

c ' ' By the faith which you owe / Charles your uncle, whom you 
must love so much, / What would you have done ? ' ' 

a ' ' Well I know that he is grieving at what we have to do, / 
Girart and I, together; but he wishes to do his duty, / By serving 
his master, his uncle. ' ' 



CONTACT BETWEEN UNCLE AND NEPHEW 115 

The Emperor admonishes Roland of his duty : 

"Et vos, biaus nies Rollans," l'empereres a dit, 
" Quant ce vient al besoing, ne me deves faillir." a 
(Benaut de Montauban, p. 264, 13) 

Ogier alludes to the fealty that he owes his uncle: 

" Foi que je doi le due Namlon porter, 

Le mien chier oncle que je doi moult amer." b 
(Enfances Ogier, 2212) 

Garin reminds two of his nephews of their duty: 

" Et vous Girars et li borgoins Aubris, 
Mi nevou estes, ne me devez f allir." c 
(Garin, II, 26) 

In at least two passages, the poets seem to be enunciating an 
axiom : in the poem of Foucon, when Foucon hears of the death 
of his uncle Vivien, he is anxious to start at once and pursue 
the work of vengeance, urging his mother to summon her fam- 
ily to aid him, and concluding with the argument : Toz jors Foi 
dire: ainz venge nies que fraire d (Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 
534). The poet of Aye d' Avignon, after telling the story of 
how Guichart and Alori learned of their fathers' plot against 
their uncle Gamier and for love of their uncle left the court 
and hastened to warn him, joining his forces, then offers this 
story as an explanation of what appears to have been an axiom 
in his time: Por ce dit on encore: ainz venge niez que fiz e (Aye, 

a "And you, fair nephew Roland," said the Emperor, / "When 
need comes, you must not fail me. 5 ' 

t> " By the faith that I must show Duke Naimon, / My dear 
uncle, whom I must love much." 

c ' ' And you, Girart, and Auberi le Bourguigon, / You are my 
nephews, and must not fail me. ' ' 

a Always I hear it said : rather does nephew than brother take 
vengeance. 

e For this they still say : rather does nephew than son take 
vengeance. 



116 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

2667). These two passages indicate plainly enough that the 
nephew's obligation in the blood-feud had passed into the form 
of a popular saying with which the poets of the Chansons de 
Geste were acquainted, but the reason for which, or the origin 
of which, had become lost; thus the axiom itself, as well as the 
application of it, as has been seen, becomes part of a literary 
tradition, carried on long after it had ceased to be understood. 
The principles of it are obviously to be sought in a period when 
the nephew was the nearest and dearest, and we have abundant 
material to show that there has been such a period, which we 
reach by tracing the way back from literary allusions through 
popular customs to primitive right. 



CHAPTER III 

Stylistic Treatment in the Poems 

Although it is not always easy to draw the line of demarca- 
tion between those features of the French epic which are an 
integral part of the nephew tradition and those which may be 
classified as characteristics of literary style, there are never- 
theless certain phases which seem to come more appropriately 
under the head of personal methods of treatment rather than 
under a subdivision of the legend proper. These are of three 
sorts, the emotional expression of the uncle-nephew relations, 
the use of certain formulas of allusion or address on the part 
of the characters, and the attributing of the conventional rela- 
tions to those groups of uncle and nephew about whom there 
could scarcely have been any legend. All these features show 
the hold which the relationship had upon the mind of the 
mediaeval poet. As we have thus far traced the story of the 
active relations between the epic uncle and his nephew, the poet 
has been following the legend as he knew it, embroidering it 
but sparsely with the threads of his own personality; the ex- 
ternal features of style are however an important indication of 
the attitude of the poet and in many cases point indubitably 
to a well-defined convention. 

As might be expected, the emotional aspects of the relations 
are fairly limited; expressions of affection predominate, and 
are particularly striking in connection with the uncle's lament 
over the dead body of his nephew. It is perfectly in keeping 
with the poetic treatment of the nephew that the poet should 
dwell upon the uncle's anxiety when the young chevalier 
is in danger, and upon his joy over the latter's successes in 
battle. Yet it is surprising to find the poet so entirely con- 
sistent in the matter: we must either give him credit for a 

117 



118 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

capability of invention and a definiteness of purpose that are 
wonderful, considering the crudity of his conceptions in many 
places and the lack of variety in general, or we must assume 
that some trace of an older society has left its impress upon 
the mental habits of his times in such a way that these relations 
between uncle and nephew are perfectly familiar to him, and 
that he reproduces them as naturally and as unconsciously as 
he does other peculiarities of the period. 

At any rate, citations might be multiplied almost indefinitely 
to show that emotionally the relations under discussion are in 
harmony with their more external features. The Roland must 
again be used as a prominent example of this, just as it un- 
doubtedly served as a model for later poets to follow; yet in 
characterizing it as a model, we must be careful not to attribute 
utter lack of originality to the others. Leon Gautier, to men- 
tion only one critic, has probably given too great importance 
to the part of imitation in other poems, and not enough to the 
presumption that the fondness of the uncle had some founda- 
tion in family life. Speaking of Vivien, Gautier expresses 
himself with a considerable amount of disparagement: 

" C'est une pure fiction, c'est une pure invention de nos 
epiques. Voyant la place que tenait Roland aupres de Charle- 
magne, voyant partout le succes qu'avait le neveu du grand 
empereur, ils resolurent de creer un autre Roland dans la geste 
de Guillaume. Ils dedoublerent leur heros primitif, et calque- 
rent le neveu de Guillaume sur le neveu de Charlemagne. Ils 
prirent, en quelque maniere, un vieux portrait de Roland, et se 
contenterent d'ecrire au bas : ' Vivien.' Procede naif ! " 85 

A thoughtful examination of the two stories will show that 
the affection between the Emperor and Roland is throughout 
purely personal, while that between Guillaume and his nephew 
is less personal than it is a matter of lignage: the personal 
element being subordinated to the worship of the family, so 
that here at least there is no ground for depreciation of the 
invention of Vivien as an epic character. Against Gautier's 

85 Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, TV, 417. 






STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 119 

opinion may be set that of Gaston Paris, who says of the cycle 
of Charlemagne and of that of Guillaume that : " Ce sont done 
deux cycles independants Fun de l'autre, nes dans des provinces 
differentes et restes longtemps sans contact." 86 The discovery 
in 1903 of the Changun de Willame, whose ancient part is con- 
temporary with the Roland, disproves Gautier's theory. 87 It 
would seem then that the safer conclusion, since as we shall see 
the nephew tradition can be traced back historically as well as 
poetically to remotest antiquity, is that it is an essential part of 
the earliest French versions of both cycles, and that when the 
two were merged it persisted, becoming to some extent influenced 
by the extreme use made of it in the Chanson de Roland. Just 
how much is to be attributed to this influence and how much 
to a sociological basis can probably not be accurately deter- 
mined; if the theme were so utterly an imitation, and as Gau- 
tier believed, a calculating one at that, it would certainly not 
have remained so consistently a part of the epic traditional 
material and would not have been so harmoniously developed 
from beginning to end, but like the majority of evident imita- 
tions would have gone from bad to worse until it finally died 
of exhaustion; when the nephew-tradition does die out in the 
epic, it is not from over-exertion, but on account of the change 
in social conditions. The arbitrary manufacture of genealog- 
ical ties, pointed out by Gaston Paris as one of the signs of 
decadence, is in itself, so far as the nephew is concerned, not a 
mark of imitation ; 88 the later poems really make less use of 
this relationship than do the earlier ones, so that on the whole 
it seems likely that the imitations and remaniements of the 
Chansons de Geste neglected this phase of the ancient epic more 
and more, probably because the development of the family and 

86 Gaston Paris, Histoire Poetique de Charlemagne, p. 81. 

87 Professor Weeks, in Bomania, XXXIV (1905), p. 261, note 1, 
was perhaps the first to dissent from Gautier's view, saying 
briefly: "L. Gautier a cru le type de Vivien caique sur celui de 
Roland. Nous ne voudrions pas, cependant, soutenir cette these. " 

88 Litterature francaise au Moyen Age, p. 42. 



120 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

the growth of closer ties between parents and children rendered 
such points less intelligible to the readers of a later period. 

(a) Anxiety of Uncle 
The intensity of the uncle's anxiety or fear for the safety 
of the nephew, and the exuberance of his ultimate rejoicing at 
the latter's success, are well represented in all the poems. This 
anxiety often expresses itself in the form of a prayer for the 
protection of the nephew during a battle or a combat, while 
the rejoicing is sometimes a passionate outburst, sometimes an 
embrace, according to the desire of the poet to make much or 
little of the situation. When Roland first makes his appear- 
ance in the army of the Emperor, the uncle entrusts him to 
the care of Ogier, on account of his extreme youth : 

" Ogier," dist il, " tenez moi conuenant 
De mon neuou, por ce quel sai enfant: 
Car nule rien n'aime ge atretant." a 

(Aspremont, ed. Bekker, p. 44, col. 2) 

Charlemagne's distress at leaving Roland behind on the retreat 
from Spain is very keen: 

Sur tuz les altres est Charles anguissus : 
As porz d'Espaigne ad laissiet sun nevuld. 
Pitiet Pen prent, ne poet muer n'en plurt . . . 

Pluret des oilz, tiret sa barbe blanche, 
Suz sun mantel en fait la cuntenance . . . 

" Jo l'ai laissiet en une estrange marehe. 
Deus! se jo 1' pert, ja n'en avrai escange." b 
(Chanson de Roland, 823, 829, 839) 
a < ' Ogier, ' ' said he, ' ' keep a compact with me, / About my 
nephew, because I know he is young ; / For nothing else do I love 
so much. " 

b Above all others is Charles anxious ; / In the mountain-passes 
of Spain he has left his nephew. / Pity seizes upon him, he cannot 
help but weep . . . / He sheds tears, plucks his white beard, / Under 
his mantle he hides his countenance . . . / ' ' I have left him in a 
foreign land. / God ! If I lose him, never shall I have his like. ' ' 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 121 

On arriving at Roncevaux after the disaster, his first word is : 
U estes vus, bels nies* (2402). In Fierdbras, his distress is 
keen when he has been falsely persuaded that Roland is dead : 

" Ahi ! Rollans, biaus nies, com vous avoie ehier ! 
Jamais ne vous venrai .1. tout seul jour entier. 
Ja Damedieu ne plaice, qui tout a a jugier, 
Que jamais sur mon cief port coronne d'ormier." 
Lors se pasma li rois sur le col du destrier; 
Ja en alast a terre, ne fuissent li estrier . . . 

" He ! las," fait il, " quel perte ai fait par ma f olour ! 
Biaus nies, je vous ai mort par ma mauvaise errour." b 
{Fierdbras, 4565, 4574) 

And when he hears that his nephew still lives: le cuer en ot 
joiant; il ne fust pas si lies pour Vonnour d'Oriant (4621). 
He prays for the success of Roland, who is engaged in single 
combat with Renaut: 

" Glorieus sire pere, par vo sainte bonte, 
Garissies moi Rollant de mort et d'afoler, 
U trametes tel signe qu'il soient desevre." d 
{Renaut de Montauban, p. 322, 19) 

a Where are you, fair nephew. 

t>"Ah! Roland, fair nephew, how dear I held you! /Nevermore' 
shall I see you for even a single day. / May God not please, who 
has all to judge, / That ever on my head I shall wear a crown of 
pure gold. ' ' / Then the King fainted upon the neck of his steed. / 
He would surely have fallen to the ground, were it not for the- 
stirrups. . . . / " Alas ! ' ' said he, ' ' What a loss I have had through 
my folly ! / Fair nephew, I have killed vou through my wretched 
error. ' ' 

cHis heart was joyful at this; he would not have been so happy 
for all the lands of the Orient. 

a ' ' Glorious Lord and Father, by your sacred bounty, / Protect 
me Roland from death and injury, / Or send me such a sign that 
they are parted." 



122 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

He watches during the combat with Otinel, and fears when his 
nephew receives some hard blows: 

" Diex," dist li rois, " com cist cop est pesant ! 
Sainte Marie, garisses moi Rollant ! " 
Se Rollans chiet, n'en soiez merveillant, 
Quant son cheval est desous lui morant. a 
(Otinel, 468) 

When Roland and his opponent come to an agreement the uncle 



"Biaus nies," dit il, "com vos est convenant? 
Dites le moi, quar j'en sui moult engrant." b 
(Otinel, 604) 

His anxiety is extreme when during a combat with Oliver 
Roland's helmet is cleft by a sword-stroke; he runs to him 
and takes off his helmet : 

Quant sain le trouve, grant joie en a eu. 
" Bials nies," dist il, " grant paor ai eu 
Que ne f ussies ne mors ne conf ondus." c 
(Girart de Vienne, p. 92) 

In this fight Roland and Oliver are engaged in combat on ac- 
count of their respective uncles, who pray each for the safety 
of his nephew during the fight (p. 133 if.). 

That Baudoin is constantly present in Charlemagne's mind 
is attested by his joy when his nephew wins a tournament, by 
his attempts to dissuade him from crossing the Rune, by his 
vexation when he learns that Baudoin has disobeyed his com- 

a"God! V said the King, "how ponderous is that blow! / Saint 
Mary, protect Roland for me ! " / If Roland falls, be not amazed 
at it, / When his horse is dying under him. 

k"Fair nephew/' said he, "how goes it with you? / Tell me, 
for I am very anxious about it." 

c When he finds him sound, he feels great joy. / "Fair nephew," 
he said, ' ' I had great fear / Lest you might be killed or over- 
whelmed. ' ' 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 123 

mand and crossed once more, and by his pretence at anger, 
concealing his real joy, when they meet again: 

Grant joie ot Femperere quant son neveu enmaine; 
A son cors desarmer fu la premiere paine, 
Puis vesti dras de lin et bliaut taint en graine. 
Par toute Fost parolent dou neveu Karlemaine, 
Qui a fait outre Rune la jouste premeraine. a 
(Chanson des Saisnes, LXXVI, 1) 

" Biau nies," dist l'ampereres, " trop iestes amors [ ?] 
De passer outre Rune : trop est cruex li pors." 
" Sire," dist Baudoins, " qar outre est mes tresors : 
Ce qi est gries as autres, m'est solaz et depors." b 
(Saisnes, CV, 14) 

" He, Dex ! " dist Karlemaines, " com est outraliez ! 89 
Se Saisne le m'ocient, suens en iert li pechiez, 
Et miens en iert li diax et li domages griez." c 
(Saisnes, CXXX, 20) 

Meisme Karlemaines s'en est .iij. fois seigniez, 
Ses braz li giete au col par molt granz amistiez; 
La fu molt Baudoins acolez et baisiez. 
La joie est comencie, et li duels est laissiez. 

a The Emperor felt great joy when he leads away his nephew; / 
To disarm him was his first care, / Then he put on him linen gar- 
ments and a tunic dyed scarlet. / Throughout the army they talk 
of the nephew of Charlemagne, / Who fought across the Rune an 
extraordinary tourney. 

b ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said the Emperor, ' ' too fond are you / Of 
crossing the Rune ; too dangerous is the passage. ' ' / ' ' Sir, ' ' said 
Baudoin, ' ' on the other side my treasure is ; / That which is hard- 
ship to others, to me is pleasure and enjoyment. ' ' 

c ' ' Ah, God ! ' ' said Charlemagne, ' l how angry he is ! / If the 
Saxons slay him, his will be the wrong, / And mine will be the 
grief and the great loss." 

ss Eead contraliez? Seemingly a confusion between outrecuidiez 
and contraliez. 



124 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Sor toz an fu li rois et joianz et haitiez; 
Nequedant samblant fist que il fust molt iriez. a 
{Saisnes, CXXX, 52) 

The emotion of Gondrebuef on hearing of the pitiful plight 
of his nephew Ansel's, who is besieged in Estorge, is equalled 
by that of Charlemagne, the other uncle of Anseis : 

Rois Gondrebues mout tenrement plora; 

Quant les nouveles oi et escouta, 

Ne pot respondre; tous li cuers li sera . . . 

Rois Gondrebues mout petitet menga, 
Pour Anseis, son neveu, sospira. b 
{Anseis de Cartage, 9023, 9041) 

Quant Karles Pot, mout en est abosmes, 
Tenrement plore, li cuers li est seres, 
L'eve li cort fil a fil les le nes. c 
{Anseis de Cartage, 9270) 

In a similar way the poet depicts Guillaume's anxiety for 
Vivien, who is fighting in Spain: 

Guillaumes fut corocies deurrement, 
De son nevot li poise aparement, 
Qu'est en Espaigne entre paiene gent, 
Ou se conbat a Facier et au brant. 

a Charlemagne crossed himself three times, / He throws his arms 
about his neck with great affection; / Then was Baudoin much 
caressed and embraced. / Joy has begun, and grief has ceased. / 
Above all men, the King was joyous and cheerful; /Nevertheless 
he made pretence that he was very angry. 

b King Gondrebuef wept tenderly ; / When he heard and listened 
to the news, / He could not reply; all his heart was oppressed. . . . / 
King Gondrebuef ate but little, / Eor Anseis, his nephew, he 
sighed. 

c When Charles hears this, he is much downcast, / Tenderly he 
weeps, his heart is oppressed, / The water runs trickling down, 
along his nose. 



STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 125 

" Deu," dist Guillauines, " con j ? ai lou euer dolant." a 
(Enfances Vivien, 3139) 

He is disturbed by a dream about Vivien, asks Girart for news 
of him, and hastens to the rescue at the battle of l'Arehamp : 

Voit lou Guillelmes, a poi qu'il n'est desves : 
Beans nies Gerars, por Deu ! car me contes 
De Vivien novelles et vertes "... 

Et dist Guillelmes: "Baron, car vos hasteis; 
Se Viviens i est a mort navres, 
A tos jors mais en serai adoleis." b 
(Chevalerie Vivien, 1102, 1269) 

His anxiety for Vivien is intense during the battle of Aliscans : 

Li quens Guillaumes voit ses homes morir ; 
Forment li poise, quant nes pot garandir. 
Vivien kiert, mais ne le puet veir; 
Quant il nel trueve, le sens quide marir. c 
(Aliscans, ed. Halle, 40) 

His joy is equally keen on seeing Bertrand, who has just been 
released from a Saracen prison by Renoart : 

"Biaus nies Bertrans, n'est or lieus de parler; 
Jou ne vos puis basier ne acoler, 

a Guillaume was greatly irritated ; / He is disturbed evidently 
about his nephew, / Who is in Spain among the pagan race, / 
Where he is fighting with his steel blade. / " God! " said Guil- 
laume, ' ' how sad is my heart ! ' ' 

t> Guillaume sees him, and is almost beside himself ; / " Fair 
nephew Girart, in Heaven 's name, tell me / News of Vivien and 
true reports. ' ' . . . / And Guillaume said : ' ' Barons, pray hasten ; 
/ If Vivien is wounded to death there, / For evermore I shall be 
afflicted." 

c Count Guillaume sees his men dying ; / Greatly it disturbs him, 
when he cannot protect them. / He seeks Vivien, but cannot see 
him; /When he finds him not, he almost goes out of his senses. 



126 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Car n'avons mie loisir de reposer." a 
{Aliscans, ed. Halle, 5669) 

The joy of Naimon when the Emperor consents to grant his 
nephew Ogier a reprieve and to entrust him to his care is so 
great that he cannot leave him behind when starting on a 
campaign : 

Lors s'est dux Namles si liez dou roy sevres 

Que de liece fu si ses cuers eombles 

Qu'ains n'ot tel joie des Feure qu'il fu nes . . . 

Li bons dux Namles d'une rien s'avisa: 
Que son neveu Ogier o lui menra: 
Tant fist au roy que congie Fen donna. b 
(Enfances Ogier, 453, 553) 

Naimon's delight at Ogier' s success is exultant; he is distressed 
when his nephew and a companion are about to fight a duel 
with two Saracens, and almost heart-broken when he hears that 
Ogier is dismounted and fighting alone against a hundred, and 
at the end, when he is complimented on his nephew's brave 
performance, he luxuriates in quiet enjoyment: 

Li bons dux Namles Tot mene a son tre, 
Con joy Pot de cuer plain d'amiste, 
Car assez Tot baisie et acole 
Ains que de riens Feiist on desarme. 
N'est pas merveille se il Fot en chierte, 
Selonc ce k'ot cele jornee ouvre. c 
(Enfances Ogier, 1320) 

a "Fair nephew Bertrand, now is no place to talk; /I cannot 
kiss nor embrace you, / For we have no time to rest. ' ' 

b Then did Duke Naimon part from the King so joyfully/ That 
his heart was so full of gladness / That he never had such joy since 
the hour that he was born. . . . / The good Duke Naimon thought 
of something : / That he shall take his nephew Ogier with him ; 
/He said so much to the King that he gave him leave. 

c The good duke Naimon took him to his tent, / He greeted him 
with heart full of joy; /Full long he kissed and caressed him,/ 



STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 127 

Charles les va de sa main benissant, 

Pour aus va Namles moult de cuer souspirant . . . 

Quant li dux Namles eeste parole entent, 
Tel duel en a pres que ses euers ne fent: 
Ogier regrete li dux moult souplement, 
En graeiant Dieu de cuer bounement. a 
(Enfances Ogier, 2575, 3045) 

Namles l'entent, si en va sousriant, 

Moult li estoient cil mot au cuer plaisant . . . 

Quant Namles a son neveu regarde, 
De courtoisie si duit et avise, 
Forment li plot. b 

(Enfances Ogier, 6982, 7003) 

In the same way, the interest of Guerri is acute during the 
combat of his grand-nephew Gautier with Bernier; he prays 
to God: Garis Gautier, mon neveu le vailant (Baoul de Cam- 
brai, 4419 f£.). An interesting combination is found in the 
fact that it is Bernier's nephew Aliaume who acts as his second 
in this encounter, while Gautier's great-uncle acts for him. In 
the geste of the Lorrains, Garin is in despair on learning of 
the capture of his nephews : 

Au Loherenc fu la nouvelle dit 

Que si nevou i furent trestuit prins. 

Before they had relieved him of any of his armor. / It is no wonder 
if he held him dear, / According to what he performed that day. 

a Charles goes blessing them with his hand, / For them Naimon 
goes sighing very deeply. . . . / When Duke Naimon hears this 
word,/ Such grief has he that his heart almost breaks; / The Duke 
laments Ogier very humbly, / Thanking God courteously and 
heartily. 

t> Naimon hears him, and goes away smiling; /Very pleasant to 
his heart were these words. . . . / When Naimon looked at his 
nephew, / In courtesy so practised and gifted, / Greatly he pleased 
him. 

c Protect Gautier, my nephew so valiant. 



128 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Ez vous le duel eontreval Tost Pepin. a 
(Garin, II, p. 204) 

As is usual with the uncle, the first thought of the wounded 
Gamier, the hero of Aye d' Avignon, on reviving, is for his 
nephews : 

Li dus ee fu pasmes, mais lues s'est esperis. 
" Seignors," ce dist Garniers, " por Pamor Dieu, mereis. 
Ou sont mi dui neveu, Guichart et Aulori?" b 
{Aye, 3107) 

(b) Occasional Quarrels 

That the relations between uncle and nephew are not always 
peaceful bears testimony to the knowledge which the poet 
possesses of the vagaries of human nature; intimate as the 
connection is, and perhaps by virtue of its very closeness, we 
find its harmony temporarily interrupted by occasional pro- 
tracted disputes. Surely these are copied from life : with their 
violent natures, their outbursts of pettishness, their abrupt 
descent from the heights of greatness to the level of ordinary 
humanity, the heroes of the epic, whether Greek or French, 
certainly appear at times very close to the living model. 90 
Charlemagne and Eoland indulge in many disagreements, the 
Emperor sometimes striking his nephew with his glove, while 
Roland, though in general cool and reasonably polite, is some- 
times goaded by rage to the point of striking back, but is 
always prevented. So, too, are other nephews kept from strik- 
ing the uncle by the recollection of the respect due him; the 
consistency with which the poets make use of this device to 

a To the Lorrain the news was told / That his nephews were all 
taken. / Lo ! the grief throughout the army of Pepin. 

b The Duke had fainted, but soon regained his senses. / ' c My 
lords, ' ' said Gamier, ' ' for love of God, I beg of you, / Where are 
my two nephews, Guichart and Akin?" 

so Andrew Lang has also pointed out this parallel between the 
two epics, pp. 297 ff. ; of his Homer and Ms Age. 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 129 

moderate the nephew's wrath suggests a very deeply rooted 
feeling of the sacredness of the uncle's position in general. 
There is no difficulty in reestablishing friendly relations, and 
the quarrel ends in reconciliation. The effect of these stormy 
scenes from a dramatic standpoint is to enliven the monotony 
of what to us are rather tedious accounts of battles, and it may 
be surmised that the mediaeval world was moved by these inter- 
ludes not to terror or suspense, but rather to a smile of ap- 
preciation. 

The anger of Roland because Charlemagne had boasted of 
the veterans of his army, and his refusal to combat Fierabras, 
stir the Emperor himself to wrath; while Oliver and the giant 
are fighting, he upbraids his nephew again; and he finally 
punishes him by threatening to send him on a dangerous 
mission : 

Karles trait son gant destre, qui fu a or pares, 
Fiert le comte Rollant en travers sur le nes; 
Apres le caup en est li clers sans avales; 
Rollans jete le main au branc qui est letres; 
Ja en ferist son oncle se il n'en fust ostes. 
" Ha, Dix ! " dist Karlemaines, " comment sui vergondes, 
Quant icil me ceurt seure qui mes nies est clamez." a 
(Fierabras, 166) 

"He glous," dist l'enperere, "bien vous ai escoute; 
N'i ossastes aler pour vostre mauvaiste. 
Fils a putain, couars, a tart aves parle; 
Encor vous sera il, se je vif, reprouve." 
Rollans se taist tous cois, ne li a mot sonne, 

a Charles draws off his right glove, which was embroidered with 
gold, / Strikes Count Roland across his nose; /After the blow the 
bright blood flows down. / Roland puts his hand to his blade, which 
is inscribed; /He would surely have struck Ms uncle with it had 
he not been taken away. / ' l Ah, God ! ' ' said Charlemagne, ' ' How 
I am shamed, / When he runs at me who is called my nephew. ' ' 
10 



130 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Fors tant qu'il dist : " Biaus oncles, dites vo volente." a 
{Fierdbras, 822) 

"Biaus nies," ce dist li rois, "trop sui pour vous ires; 
Tel lieu vous trametrai anchois .ii. jors passes, 
U jamais ne venres lumiere ne clartes." b 
{Fierdbras, 2264) 

At another time he falls into a passion with Roland for making 
peace with Oliver : 

" Glous," ce dist Karl, jamais ne t'iert rove! 
Fui de mon ost ! Trop i a demore." 
" Non f erai, Sire," dis Rollant li mambre. 
" Ne m'en irai, tant com vos i serez." c 
(Girart de Yienne, p. 159). 

When Roland mildly pokes fun at his uncle and advises him to 
give up France for good to Gui de Bourgogne, the Emperor 
flies into a passion and soon arouses the resentment of his 
nephew, who answers back in plain language : 

Quant Pentandi Karlon, si a le chief crolle, 
Qu'il se bien que ses niez Rollans l'a ranposne: 
" Ha ! glous," dist Femperere, " com tu es f orsene ! 
Ains ne me f u par toi .i. bons consaus dones "... 

a 1 1 Ha, knave ! ' f said the Emperor, ' ' I have heard you per- 
fectly ; / You dared not go, for your cowardice. / Son of a dog, 
coward, too late you have spoken; /You will still, if I live, be 
reproached for it. ' ' / Roland is quiet and silent, nor spoke a word, 
/ Save that he said : ' ' Pair uncle, say your pleasure. ' ' 

t> ' l Fair nephew, ' ' thus spoke the King, ' ' on your account I am 
very angry; /To such a place will I send you ere two days be 
past, / Where never will you see light nor gleam. ' ' 

c " Villain ! ' ' thus spoke Charles, ' ' never was it commanded ! / 
Flee from my army ! Too long hast thou remained here ! ' ' / ' ' I 
will not do so, Sire, M said Roland the prudent, / " I shall not leave, 
so long as you are here." 



STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 131 

"Laissomes ee viellart qui tous est assotez: 
A .c.M. dyables soit ses cors commandes ! " a 
(Gui de Bourgogne, 1042, 1061) 

Charlemagne's attempts to curb the ardent nature of his 
nephew Baudoin, who wishes to go love-making into the very 
midst of the enemy, lead to an interchange of opinions, be- 
ginning with a warning on the part of the uncle, and culminat- 
ing in the nephew's taking his departure in a fit of temper: 

" De passer outre Rune vos f ais banc et defois, 
Baudoin mon neveu et ces autres Francois." b 
(Saisnes, CXXV, 6) 

A lui s'an va tot droit, ja sera araisniez : 
" Baudoin," dist li rois, " mes commanz est laissiez. 
Je ai veu tel ore que ja ne 1' pansissiez; 
Mes de mes amis sui af ebliz, ce cuidiez : 
Por ce, ce m'est avis, me covient desprisier. 
Horn privez mal achate, ce tesmoigne li bries. 
Li autre l'ont tenu, vos estes sorcuidiez. 
Yos me demostrez bien comment vos me prisiez." c 
(Saisnes, CXXX, 58) 

When Baudoin rushes off in spite, he cries: Et se je an retor, 

a When Charles heard him, he shook his head, / For he knows 
well that his nephew Eoland has derided him ; / et Ha ! knave, ' ' 
said the Emperor, ' ' how mad thou art ! / Never was good counsel 
given me by thee ! ' ' . . . / " Let us leave this old man who is all 
besotted; / To a hundred thousand devils let him be commended! " 

a ' ' From crossing the Eune I prohibit and interdict you, / 
Baudoin my nephew, and these other Frenchmen. " 

c To him straightway he goes ; now he will be admonished ; / 
' ' Baudoin, ' ' said the King, ' ' my command is neglected. / I have 
seen a time when you would not have thought it ; / But I am weak 
in friends, you think ; / For this, in my opinion, it suits you to dis- 
dain me. / A man bereft fares ill, so the writing testifies. / The 
others observed it, but you are arrogant. / You show me plainly 
how you esteem me." 



132 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

jamais m'amor n'aurez* (CXXXII, 33), whereupon his uncle 
decides that he will cool his love of adventure by bidding him 
go among the enemy and bring back Sebile's ring, and the 
Saxons exclaim : N'aimme pas son neveu, qu'ou met an tel ran- 
don h (CXXXVI, 25 ). 91 Baudoin quite properly resents this 
foolish whim: 

" Hai Karles, vieillarz ! Dex te doint ancombrier ! 
Se je muir antre Saisnes, que cuides gaaigner? 
Tu n'amas onque home s'il ne fu losangier 
Ou tel que tu peusses tot a ton vuel plaissier. 
Par ton f orf ait f u morz Rollanz et Olivier." c 
(Saisnes, CXLIX, 39) 

In the Prise d'Orenge, Guillaume becomes angry with his 
ironical nephew Guielin, and says to him : 

" Se n'estoit or por honte et por viltage, 
Ge te dorroie une colee large." 
Dist Guielins : " Vos f eriez f olage. 
Huimes dirai, ne me ehaut qui le sache: 
1 L'en soloit dire Guillaume Fierabrace, 
Or dira Fen Guillaume l'amiable.' 
En ceste vile par amistie entrastes." d 
(Prise d'Orenge, 1558) 

a And if I return, never shall you have my love again. 

b He does not love his nephew, who drives him to such violence. 

c ' ' Ha ! Charles, old man ! God give thee ill ! / If I die among 
the Saxons, what thinkest thou to gain? / Thou didst never love a 
man if he was not a flatterer, / Or such that thou couldst bend 
wholly to thy will. / By thy misdeed was Roland killed, and 
Oliver. ' ' 

a " If it was not for shame and opprobrium, / 1 would give thee 
a good blow. ' ' / Said Guielin : ' ' You would do a foolish thing. / 
Henceforth I shall say, and I care not who may know it, / ' They 
were accustomed to say Guillaume of the terrible arms, / Now they 
will say Guillaume the amiable. ' / You entered this city through 
love. ' ' 

9i Read onl 






STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 133 

There is a quarrel between Guerri and his nephew Raoul when 
the former advises against continuing the feud with Herbert's 
sons: 

Raous parole au coraige hardi: 
" On soloit dire le riche sor Guerri, 
Qu'en tout le mont n'avoit .j. si hardi, 
Mais or le voi couart et resorti." 
Guerris Yo'i, fierement respondi: 
Por trestout For d'Abevile en Ponti, 
Ne volsist il qe il Peiist gehi, 
Ne qe ces nies Ten eiist si laidi. a 
{Raoul de Cambrai, 2179) 

In Garin, Fromont upbraids his nephew Thiebaut and threatens 
to strike him, but is prevented by friends. 

(c) Grief of Uncle 

The emotional phase which seems to appeal most strongly 
to the poets is the attitude of the uncle after the death of the 
nephew. His laments are endless, and the poet takes evident 
pleasure in making his grief as heart-rending as possible. 
From the general resemblance of such passages to a prototype 
in the Chanson de Roland, it might be assumed that here, if 
anywhere in the poetic treatment of this relationship, the later 
poets must be taxed with imitation. Yet all such passages 
have an atmosphere of sincerity; there is to be sure an occa- 
sional verse or hemistich following directly after the announce- 
ment of the death of a character, which sounds as if the poet 
were perfunctorily complying with the bienseances when he 
does not wish to expatiate upon the uncle's grief, but he so 
generally does wish to expatiate upon it that short laments are 

a Raoul speaks, the stout-hearted : / " People were accustomed to 
say ' the powerful Sir Guerri, ' / For in all the world there was 
not one so bold, / But now I see him cowardly and faint-hearted. ' ' / 
Guerri heard him, proudly he replied : / For all the gold in Abbe- 
ville en Ponthieu, / He would not have wished that he had declared 
this, / Nor that his nephew had vilified him so. 



134 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

the exception. These passages are in the main so long that 
they cannot be gone into here in detail. 

Charlemagne's grief is increased when he finds the body 
of Roland; he weeps and tears his hair and faints repeatedly 
and finally denounces Ganelon: 

Pitiet en ad, ne poet muer n'en plurt . . . 
Nen est merveille se Carles ad irur. 
Descent a pied, alez i est plein curs, 
Si prent le Cunte entre ses mains ambsdous, 
Sur lui se pasmet, tant par est anguissus. a 
(Roland, 2873, 2877) 

"Jamais n'iert jurz de tei n'aie dulur. 
Cum decarrat ma force e ma baldur! 
Nen avrai ja ki sustienget m'honur; 
Suz ciel ne quid aveir ami un sul. 
Se j'ai parenz, nen i ad nul si prud." 

Trait ses crignels pleines ses mains ambsdous, 
Sur lui se pasmet tant par est anguissus. b 
(Roland, 2901) 

" A grant dulur tiendrai pois mun reialme : 
Jamais n'iert jurz que ne plur ne m'en pleigne. 
Amis Rollanz, prozdum, juvente bele, 
Cum jo serai ad Ais en ma capele, 
Viendrunt li hume, demanderunt nuveles; 
Je's lur dirrai merveilluses e pesmes : 
Morz est mis nies, ki tant suleit cunquerre" . . . 

a He is moved to pity, and cannot help but weep. . . . / It is no 
wonder if Charles feels sorrow. / He dismounts, runs to him, / 
Takes the Count in both arms, / Faints over him, so distressed is he. 

t> ' ' Never will there be a day when I do not lament thee ! / How 
my strength and my pride will fail now ! / 1 shall have none to 
defend my honor ; / On earth I do not think I have a single 
friend. / If I have relatives, I have none so brave. ' ' / He plucks 
out his hair with both hands, / And faints over him, so distressed 
is he. 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 135 

" Ki guierat lnes oz a tel poeste, 
Quant cil est morz ki tuz jurz nus cadelet? 
E ! France dulce, cum remeins hoi deserte ! 
Si grant doel ai que jo ne vuldreie estre." a 
(Roland, 2914, 2926) 

" Si grant doel ai que ne vuldreie vivre, 
De ma maisniee ki pur mei est ocise. 
Co me duinst Deus, li filz seinte Marie, 
Einz que jo vienge as maistres porz de Sizre, 
L'anme de 1' eors me seit hoi departie, 
Entre les lur fust aluee e mise, 
E ma car fust delez els enfuie." 
Pluret des oilz, sa blanche barbe tiret. b 
{Boland, 2936) 

Echoes of this grief are heard in other poems : in giving Aymer 
the fief of Spain, the Emperor weeps and says : 

" Car g'i perdi le mielz de mon barne, 
Le mien neveu, don j'ai le cuer ire." c 
(Narbonnais, 2968) 

a ' ' In great grief I shall hereafter hold my realm ; / Never will 
there be a day I do not weep nor lament. / Friend Koland, brave 
knight, fair youth, / When I am at Aix in my chapel, / Men will 
come, they will ask news ; / 1 will tell them strange and evil things ; 
/ My nephew is dead, who was so accustomed to conquer " . . . / 
1 ' Who will guide my hosts with such authority, / When he is dead 
who always leads us? /Ah! Sweet France, how dost thou remain 
today deserted ! / So great grief have I that I would wish not to 
exist. ' ' 

b ' ' So great grief have I that I would wish not to live, / On 
account of my household which is slain for me. / May G'od grant 
me this, the son of Saint Mary, / Before I come to the great pass 
of Cize, / That my soul today may depart from my body, / And 
should be set and placed with theirs, / And my body buried beside 
them. ' ' / He sheds tears, and plucks his white beard. 

c l ' For I have lost the best of my knights there, / My nephew, 
wherefore my heart is afflicted. " 



136 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

At the beginning of the Aymeri de Narbonne, Charles is rep- 
resented as returning from Spain, overcome with grief at the 
loss of Roland: 

"Biaus nies," dist il, "vostre ame soit garie, 
En paradis coronnee et florie ! " . . . 

Nostre enperere se prist a dementer, 

Et son neveu Rollant a regreter, 

Et ses barons que tant soloit amer: 

"Biaus nies," dist Charles, "com mar vos vi finer! 

Ne porrai mes tel ami recovrer, 

Ne sai en cui me porrai mes fier ! " . . . 

"Biaus nies," fist il, "cil Dex qui ne menti 
Ait de vostre ame et pitie et merci." a 
{Aymeri, 134, 540, 586) 

Lors plora Karlemaines, tant fu d'ire destrois, 
Et maudit Guenelon le traitor renois 
Qui son neveu vandi as paiens espanois. b 

{Chanson des Saisnes, XVIII, ms. Arsenal, n° 175) 

With these passages can be compared those expressing the 
Emperor's grief at the death of his nephew Baudoin : 

"Molt m'auront mal mene ceste gent paienor: 
De mes amis m'ont mort le meillor et la flor : 
An Roncevax ocistrent Rolant le f ereor, 
Que Ganes li trai'tes, li cuverz boiseor, 

a ' ' Fair nephew, ' ' said he, l ' may your soul be saved, / In Para- 
dise crowned and bedecked!/ . . . / Our Emperor began to grieve, / 
And to mourn for his nephew Koland, / And his barons whom he 
was wont to love so much: /"'Fair nephew," said Charles, "how 
untimely I saw you pass away ! / Never can I replace such a 
friend; / 1 know not in whom I can henceforth trust! " . . . / "Fair 
nephew, ' ' quoth he, ' ' that God who did not lie, / May He have pity 
and mercy on your soul. ' ' 

b Then Charlemagne wept, so crushed was he with grief, / And 
cursed Ganelon, the renegade traitor, / "Who sold his nephew to the 
Spanish pagans. 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 137 

Fist ocire as paiens, don j'ai au cuer iror; 
De ca me r'ont ocis Baudoin mon nevor, 
Qui onques par meschief ne fist vilain retor. 
He, Dex ! la mort m'anvoie, sanz f aire lone demor ! " a 
{Saisnes, CCLIX, 19) 

Challes nostre ampereres plore fort et sospire, 
Sa grant barbe chenue sache forment et tire, 
Comme eil qi ot cuer et dolant et plain d'ire; 
La ou Baudoins gist, le frame au cheval tire ; 
Qant il Pa coneu, lors eommenca a dire: 
Ha, Baudoin," dist il, "tant as sosfert martire, 
Por t'onor essaucier, por garder ton ampire ! " 
A donques traist l'espee, q'il se voloit oeire. b 
{Saisnes, CCLX, 1) 

" Ha ! biau nies," dit li rois, sor toz homes puissant, 
" De bien ferir sambloies ton chier frere Rollant; 
De san et de voisdie l'aliez trespassant." 
Lors se bat l'amperere et va forment plorant, 
L'aive des oilz li va de la face colant; 
Ne pust eeler son duel, q'il n'an face samblant. c 
{Saisnes, CCLXVIII, 5) 

a "This pagan race will very harshly have treated me; /Of my 
friends they have slain the best and the flower; /At Roncevaux 
they killed Roland the combattant, / Whom Ganelon, the lying 
traitor, / Caused the pagans to slay, wherefore I have grief in my 
heart ; / Here they have slain my nephew Baudoin, / Who never 
wantonly made a saucy retort. / Ah, God ! send me death, without 
making a long delay ! ' ' 

b Charles, our Emperor, weeps much and sighs, / His long hoary 
beard he pulls and plucks, / Like one whose heart was full of grief 
and wrath; / There where Baudoin lies, he draws rein; /When he 
recognized him, then he began to say : / " Ah ; Baudoin ; ' ' said 
he, ' ' such martyrdom hast thou suffered, / To exalt thy fief, to 
preserve thy empire ! ' ' / Then he drew his sword, for he wished to 
kill himself. 

c"Ah! fair nephew,' ' said the King, powerful above all men,/ 
' ' In hitting hard thou didst resemble thy dear brother Roland ; / 



138 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

The lament of Guillaume for Vivien is suggestive of that of 
Charlemagne over Roland, but it is more violent, quite in 
keeping with his passionate nature, and it has besides a sin- 
cerity which makes it penetrating and appealing: 

Ot lou Guillelmes, li sans li est mueis ; 
N'ot mais teil deul des Fore que fu neis, 
Car entor lui vit ses boias copeis . . . 92 

A grant mervaille fut corocies Guillelmes, 
Cant Vivien voit gesir a la terre . . . 

Ans n'ot mais deul qui si li fust a certes; 
De son destrier chiet a terre et ehaneelle, 
Li uns leis Y autre se pasment a la terre. 
Cant se redrece, sa dolor renovelle : 
" Nies Viviens, con ai en toi grant perte ! 
De vo lignage estes li plus honestes." a 
(Chevalerie Vivien, 1862-1874) 

Si i perdit de ses homes la flur, 
E sun nevou dan Vivien le prou, 

Thou didst go exceeding him in wisdom and cleverness. ' ' / Then 
the Emperor beats his breast and goes weeping hard, / The water 
from his eyes goes running down his face ; / He could not conceal 
his grief, so as not to betray it. 

a Guillaume hears him; his blood stirs; / He never felt such grief 
since the hour that he was born, / For around him he saw his bowels 
ripped open. . . . / Marvelously was Guillaume angered / When 
he sees Vivien lying ■ on the ground. . . . / Never felt he grief 
which would have been so keen ; / From his steed he falls to the 
ground and totters; / One beside the other, they swoon upon the 
ground. / When he rises, he renews his grief : / ( ' Nephew Vivien, 
what a great loss I have in thee ! / Of your lineage you are the 
most honorable.' ' 

92 Ms. de Paris, Bib. Nat. f r. 468, has two additional verses here : 

Tel duel en a, a pou qu'il n'est desvez; 
Ja n'iert mes liez mil jor de son ae. 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 139 

Pur qui tuztens el quer out grant dolur. a 
(Willame, ed. Suchier, 8) 

" Diex ! " dist Guillaumes, " com ai mon cuer dolant. 
Receii ai hui damage si grant, 
Dont me daurai en trestot mon vivant." 
" Nies Vivien, de vostre hardement 
Ne fu nus horn, puis ke diex fist Adan. 
Or vos ont mort Sarrasin et Persant. 
Terre, car ouvre, si me va engloutant ! 93 
Dame Guiborc, mar m'ires atendant; 
Ja en Orenge n'ere mais repairant." 
Li cuens Guillaumes vait tendrement plorant, 
Et ses .ii. poins vait si fort detorgant, 
Ke sor les jointes en vait li cuirs rompant, 
E li clers sans des ongles degoutant. 
Vivien vait doucement regretant, 
Soventes fois se claimme las, dolant. 
De sa dolor mar ira nus parlant, 
Car trop le maine et orible et pesant. 
Au duel k'i maine si chai de Bauchant, 
Encontre terre se vet sovant pasmant. b 
(Aliscans, ed. Halle, 706 n\) 

a And lost there the flower of his men, / And his nephew, Lord 
Vivien the brave, / For whom he had always great sorrow in his 
heart. 

t> "God! " said Guillaume, "How sorrowful is my heart. / I have 
received today so great an injury / From which I shall suffer all 
my lifetime. ' ' / ' ' Nephew Vivien, of your courage / Never was any 
man, since God made Adam. / Now Saracens and Persians have 
killed you. / Earth, pray open, and go swallowing me up ! / Lady 
G'uiborc, in vain will you be awaiting me ; / Never more shall I be 
returning to Orange. ' ' / Count Guillaume goes tenderly weeping, / 

93 Ms. Arsenal 6562 inserts here Et si regoif ce chetif las dolant. 
The 75 verses of the Halle edition, describing this episode, deserve 
to be cited in full, were space available; intensity of feeling and 
beauty of expression combine to make a remarkable passage. 



140 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

"Mors est Bertrans, dont ai au cuer dolor; 
De mon lignage ai hui perdu la flor." a 
(Aliscans, ed. Halle, 431) 

" Las ! " dist Guillaumes, " com dolereus reclaim ! 
De mon lignage ai perdu tot le grain; 
Or n'i a mes ke le paille et Pestraim." b 
(Aliscans, ed. Halle, 837) 

Slaves oi, franc chevalier gentil, 
De la dolor qu'en Aliscans soufri, 
De Viviien, son neveu, qu'il perdi, 
Et de Bertran, que paien Pont saisi, 
Guicart le prou, Gerart et Guielin . . . 

"De mon lignage ai perdue la flor, 
Ja mais par home n'i averai secors, 
Nus ne me set en ceste grant tristour." c 
{Montage Guillaume, 15, 3236) 

Vait s'en Guillelme, perte i a faite grant, 
De ses .ii. ielz vait tenrement plorant 
Et son neveu Vivien regretant . . . 

And wringing his two hands so hard, / That over the joints the 
skin bursts, / And the bright blood drips from the nails. / He goes 
softly lamenting Vivien ; / Of ttimes he calls himself miserable, sor- 
rowful. / It will be useless for anyone to continue speaking of his 
grief, / For he feels it too deeply and horribly. / At the grief which 
he feels, he fell from Baucent, / Toward the ground he goes often 
swooning. 

a ' ' Bertrand is dead, wherefore I have grief in my heart ; / 1 
have lost today the flower of my race*" 

t> ' ' Alas ! ' ' said Guillaume, ' ' how sorrowful a lament ! / I have 
lost all the good grain of my race; /Now naught is left save the 
straw and the litter." 

e And you have heard, noble and gentle knights, / Of the grief 
he suffered at Aliscans, / Of Vivien his nephew, whom he lost 
there, / And of Bertrand, how pagans captured him, / Guichart the 
brave, Girart and Guielin. / " Of my race I have lost the flower ; / 
No more shall I have aid from men ; / None knows me in this 
great sorrow." 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 141 

" Las ! mes lignages est a declin tornez, 
Morz est mes nies, Vivienz Falosez, 
Mes chiers amis qu'ert de ma seror nez. 
Et Guieharz pris, uns novelx adobez, 
Qui ja ne fust d'armes mauves clamez, 
Qui empres moi tenist mes heritez." a 

{Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 132, 335) 

Grief and anger at the death of Raoul de Cambrai combine 
to increase the desire for revenge on the part of his uncle 
Guerri, whose love for him is so great that he goes about over 
the battlefield seeking his dead body and quite forgetting the 
fate of his own sons, who are killed in the same battle; when 
he is reproached by RaouPs mother for having neglected his 
nephew, he reminds her of this great grief : 

Son neveu trueve, s'en fu en grant esmai. 

II le regrete si con je vos dirai: 

" Bias nies," dist il, " por vos grant dolor ai. 

Qi vos a mort jamais ne l'amerai, 

Pais ne acorde ne trives n'en prendrai 

Desq'a eele eure qe toz mors les arai : 

Pendus as forches toz les essillerai. 

Aalis dame, qel duel vos noncerai! 

Jamais a vos parler nen oserai" . . . 

Guerris se pasme sor le piz del baron . . . 

Lors ot tel duel del cens quida issir. 

a Guillaume goes away; he has suffered a great loss; /He goes 
tenderly weeping with both eyes, / And lamenting his nephew 
Vivien. / ' ' Alas ! My race has come to ruin, / My nephew is dead, 
Vivien the honored, / My dear friend who was born of my sister. / 
And Guichart captured, a new-made knight, / Who never would 
have been called bad at arms, / Who after me would have held my 
heritage. ' ' 



142 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

" Bias nies," dist il, " ne sai qe devenir " a . . . 94 
(Baoul, 3166, 3181, 3192) 

The laments of other uncles under similar circumstances 
are of the same nature; when Ogier is supposed dead, for 
example : 

Dux Namles a Ogier moult regrete. 
" Ha, Diex !" dist il, " rois plains d'umilite, 
Vit ainc mais nus home de tel ae 
Si bel, si preu, si plain de seiirte, 
Si tres courtois ne si tres apense? 
En lui n'avoit nule riens f ors bonte. 
Quant me ramenbre que paien Font tue, 
Petit s'en f aut que le euer n'ai creve." b 
(Enfances Ogier, 3067) 

The lament of Girart over the death of his nephews is in a 
similar strain: 

" Mon bon neveul Guibert hai hui veu ocirre : 
Jamais de si grant deul ne puis que me consirre "... 
Quant voit Booz son neveu gisant mort en la presse, 

a His nephew he finds, and was in great dismay. / He laments 
him as I shall tell you : / " Fair nephew, ' ' said he, ' ' for you I am 
in great grief. / Him who has killed you, never shall I love him, / 
Nor accept peace nor compact nor truce from him / Until that 
hour when I shall have them all, dead; /Hanged upon gibbets, 
I shall flay them all. / Aalis, lady, what sorrow shall I announce 
to you ! / Never shall I dare tell you of it. ' ' / Guerri swoons upon 
the breast of the baron. / Then he felt such grief he was almost 
beside himself. / ' l Fair nephew, ' ' said he, "I know not what 
to do." 

b Duke Naimon laments Ogier much. / ' ' Ah, God ! ' ' said he, 
King full of humility, / Lived there ever any man of such an age / 
So fair, so brave, so full of confidence, / So very courteous or so 
prudent? /In him there was naught save goodness. / When I 
remember that pagans have killed him, / It lacks but little ere my 
heart breaks. ,, 

94 Cf . page 41. 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 143 

Une grant pesse a pris, de fort plorer ne cesse, 
Et dist: "Li jones preux! li ploins de courtoisie! 
Li biaux! li fors! li tiers! ha cy perdu la vie?" a 
(Girart de Boussillon, 1890, 4965) 

And when Charlemagne attacks the fortress of Montauban 
with showers of stones, the poet says: Mainz plora son neveu 
et avoec son ami h (Renaut, p. 349, 31). 

(d) Attitude of Nephew 

Thus far the position of the uncle has been treated mainly 
as an objective one; it will be interesting to pause for a moment 
to see what the attitude of the nephew is in all these relations 
with his uncle, and to examine him as an active rather than 
as a passive element. He does not look upon his uncle with 
the abasement that he does his father — there is no lack of 
respect, but he stands before him as man to man, loving, honor- 
ing and serving him as a loyal comrade, not as a master. 
Roland is usually represented as impulsive, headstrong, and 
even rebellious at times, but ready to perform any deed of 
daring on behalf of Charlemagne; the later poems attribute 
to him fewer good qualities, and emphasize his defects more 
than do the earlier ones, as they do in the case of the Emperor 
himself, so that if we take the accounts of his life in pseudo- 
biographical sequence, we find him to be decidedly quarrel- 
some and fairly insubordinate whenever his uncle's wishes do 
not coincide with his own. The Charlemagne de Venise repro- 
duces what must be considered the first quarrel between the 
two; when the Emperor discovers his sister and her husband 
in their retreat at Sutri, he attacks them with a knife, where- 

a"My good nephew Guibert I have seen slain today; /Never 
can I resign myself to such sorrow. " . . . / When he sees his nephew 
Booz lying dead in the crowd, / He felt great grief, he ceases not 
from weeping hard, / And said : c ' The brave young knight ! the 
type of courtesy ! / The fair ! the strong ! the bold ! Has he lost 
his life here?" 

t> Many a one wept for his nephew, and with him his friend. 



144 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

upon the child Roland springs at him like a little fury, grasp- 
ing his hand so violently that " le sang jaillit des ongles." 95 
According to the Entree en Espagne, after Roland has been 
slapped in the face by his uncle, he is on the point of attack- 
ing him with his sword, but remembers the many favors Char- 
lemagne has shown him, so he refrains, and simply deserts the 
tcamp, remaining away a long time: 

Le roi ferist, quant il fu remembrant 

Qe il Pavoit noriz petit enfant. 

Del treif s'en va honteus et sospirant. a 96 

Passages have already been cited which suggest the fitful moods 
•of a volcano, while from the tone of the Chanson de 'Roland 
and the Pelerinage de Charlemagne we get rather the impres- 
sion of a steady flame of allegiance, kept burning by his sense 
of duty to his uncle. 

Baudoin, Roland's half-brother, is equally fiery, yet when 
he has quarrelled with his uncle he quickly repents; he is in 
dismay when the Emperor is vexed with him, yet he teases his 
uncle a little before becoming reconciled with him: 

Baudoins toz iriez repaira a sa tante; 
A son oncle est meslez, tart est que se repante; 
Ne se set consoillier, durement se demente. b 
(Chanson des Saisnes, CXXXIIL, 1) 

Molt par fu Baudoins plains d'ire et abosmez. 
Mauvaisement li chiet, ce li est vis, ses dez ; 

a He would have struck the King, when lie remembered / That he 
brought him up as a child. / From the tent he goes, ashamed and 
sighing. 

b Baudoin, all sorry, repaired to his tent ; / He has quarrelled with 
his uncle, he longs to show penitence ; / He knows not what to 
decide, he abandons himself to grief. 

ss Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, 70. 

96 Cited by Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, 170. 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 145 

N'a pas le gre s'amie, a son onele est meslez. a 
(Saisnes, CXLVI, 1) 

" Gloriox rois celestes," ce dit li nies Karlon, 
" Tant sui antelantez de f ole antancion ; 
Je voi ici venir le mien onele a bandon, 
Armez sor le cheval, destors le conphenon; 
Orandroit cuide panre de ma mort vangison, 
Orient que ne m'aient mort Saisne(s) et Esclavon; 
Et je sui tant mauvais et ancrime felon 
Que de son bien li vuel randre mal guerredon. 
Ne me puis an mon euer trover nule raison 
Que pardoner li puisse ne ire ne tancon 
Devant que je l'aie f eru sor le blazon." b 
(Saisnes, CLVI, 3) 

The real test of the closeness of their relations is when Bau- 
doin is left in command of the Saxons, who are still rebellious 
though their leader has been slain; now his dependence upon 
the Emperor is more marked; he misses him, longs for him, 
prays for him, but his uncle is no longer within reach: 

Baudoins sanz son onele sofferra l'anvaie, 
Dou mainte bone targe iert troee et partie. 
Et mainte dure broigne derote et desartie . . . 

" Se j'eusse Karlon mon onele detenu, 

Par fol se fussent Saisne desor moi ambatu" . . . 

a All full of sadness and downeast was Baudoin. / Badly, he 
thinks, do his dice turn out for him ; / He has not the favor of 
his friend, and has quarrelled with his uncle. 

*> ' ' Glorious celestial King, ' ' thus spoke the nephew of Charles, / 
' f So full am I of a foolish plan ; / 1 see my uncle coming swiftly 
hither, / Armed, upon his horse, with standard unfurled; /Now he 
expects to take vengeance for my death, / He fears that Saxons 
and Slavs have killed me ; / And I am such a wicked and confirmed 
rascal, / That for his kindness I wish to give him a poor reward ; / 
I cannot in my heart find any reason / That I can pardon him 
either anger or dispute / Until I have struck him upon the 
buckler. ' ' 
11 



146 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

" Et ses je mant mon oncle, il vanra, ce euit, lant "... 

" A mon oncle direz le mien contenement, 

An Saissoigne me vaigne socorre maintenant" . . . 

Des biax oilx de son chief commenca a plorer, 

Et Karlemaine d'Aiz son oncle regreter . . . 

" Gardez, se il vos plaist, de mort et d'ancombrier, 
Karlemaine mon oncle qi tant m'a eu chier." a 

(Saisnes, CCXIV, 29, CCXXI, 22, CCXXIII, 10, 22, 
CCXXXIV, 12, CCLYII, 41) 

Gui de Bourgogne is throughout the conscientious deputy and 
the faithful general of his uncle; Anseis de Cartage, leger and 
unstable as he is, nevertheless means to serve the Emperor, and 
puts his trust in him, confident that in the hour of his distress, 
despite his own shortcomings, he will be supported by his uncle. 
Thus all his nephews place implicit confidence in the Emperor; 
at the close of Roland's career his trust in Charlemagne is 
sublime : 

Co dist Rollanz : " Cornerai Polif ant ; 

Si Forrat Carles, ki est as porz passant. 

Jo vus plevis, ja returnerunt Franc." b 
{Boland, 1702) 

Of the various nephews of Guillaume Fierabrace, Bertrand 

a Without his uncle, Baudoin will suffer invasion, / In which many 
a good targe will be pierced and broken. / And many a hard coat-of- 
mail torn and crushed. . . . / " If I had kept my uncle Charles, / 
In vain would the Saxons have rushed down upon me. ".../" And 
if I summon my uncle, he will come, I think, slowly. ' ' . . . / ' ' To my 
uncle you will tell my situation, / That he come to Saxony to 
succor me now. " . . . / He began to weep with the fair eyes in his 
head, / And to lament Charlemagne of Aix, his uncle. . . / " Pro- 
tect, if you please, from death and injury, / Charlemagne my uncle, 
who held me so dear. ' J 

b Thus spoke Roland : "I will sound the horn ; / And Charles 
will hear it, who is crossing the passes. / 1 assure you, the Franks 
will return.' ' 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 147 

not only has the most active relations with his uncle, but he 
possesses as well the most distinctive character; there is a 
great deal of reciprocity in his attitude towards his uncle, 
while in the case of Vivien there is a highly developed senti- 
mental feeling without much action on the part of the nephew. 
Bertrand is the companion and often the adviser of Guillaume; 
he argues with him, objecting to his undertaking the Saracen 
expedition; he is deeply sympathetic when Guillaume loses a 
part of his nose in combat; he plays chess with his uncle in 
Orange; he gives him good advice, and reproves him in mo- 
ments of weakness; he plays an important part in the invention 
of the charroi; he appears as the intimate and inseparable com- 
panion of Guillaume, following him to war and doing his best 
to help him: 

Ses nies Bertrans Pen prist a aresnier: 
" Oncle Guillaume, estes vos enragiez 1 
Ainz mes por home ne vos vi esmaier ! " a 
(Couronnement Louis, 360) 

Si le besa, quant l'eaume ot deslacie, 
Tot en plorant li cuens Bertrans ses nies, 
Et Guielins et li cortois Gautiers. 
Tel peor n'orent a nul jor desoz ciel. 
"- Oncles," fet il, " estes sains et hetiez? " b 
(Couronnement, 1144) 

" Vo droit seignor ne devez pas haster, 
Ainz le devez servir et hennorer, 
Contre toz homes garantir et tenser." . . . 

a His nephew Bertrand began to address him : / { ' Uncle Guil- 
laume, are you crazy ? /Never before did I see you dismayed for 
any man ! ' ' 

t> And then kissed him, when he had unlaced the helm, / All the 
while weeping, Count Bertrand his nephew, / And Guielin and the 
courteous Gautier. / Such fear they never had any day on earth. / 
"Uncle," quoth he, "are you sound and well?" 



148 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

..." Vos dites voir, beau nies, 
La leaute doit Ten toz jorz amer; 
Dex le commande, qui tot a a jugier." a 
(Charroi de Nimes, 423, 442) 

" Oneles," dit il, " qu'avez a dementer, 
Estes vos dame, qui pleurt ses vevetez ? n b 
(Charroi, 795) 

Ses nies Bertrans Pen prist a chastoier: 
" Oncles/' dist il, " tu te veus vergoignier 
Et toi honnir et les membres tranchier." c 
(Prise d'Orenge, 362) 

" Dex ! " dist Bertrans, " beau pere droiturier, 
Cum somes ore trai et engignie! 
Par quel folie est cet plet commencie, 
Dont nos serons honi et vergoignie, 
Se Dex n'en pense, qui tot a a jugier." d 
(Prise d'Orenge, 392) 

" Oncle Guillaume, tant f eis f olement 
Quant en Orenge alas si faitement 
Cum pautoniers et a tapinement." e 
(Prise d'Orenge, 1705) 

a ' ' Your rightful lord you must not provoke, / But rather must 
you serve and honor him, / Against all men protect and defend 
him. ' ' . . . / {l You speak truly, fair nephew, / Loyalty must one 
always love; /God commands it, who has all to judge." 

t» "Uncle," said he, "what have you to lament? /Are you a 
lady who bewails her bereavement?" 

c His nephew Bertrand began to admonish him : / lt Uncle, ' ' 
said he, ' ' thou wishest to shame / And disgrace thyself, and have 
thy limbs hewn off." 

^ "God!" said Bertrand, "fair righteous Father, / How we are 
now betrayed and deceived ! / By what folly was this affair begun, / 
By which we shall be shamed and disgraced, / If God gives not 
heed to it, who has all to judge." 

e l ' Uncle Guillaume, so foolishly didst thou, / When thou didst 
go to Orange in such manner / As a low wretch, and secretly. ' ' 






STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 149 

Dit Bertrans : " Sire, s'or avoie auf errant ! 
D'aisdier mon onele ai le cuer desirant." a 
{Aliscans, ed. Halle, 5427) 

The character of Vivien is marked with less individuality 
than that of Bertrand; he is consistently loyal to his uncle as 
the real chief of the lignage, and, rather passively to be sure, 
has a deep affection for him; he is heroic in his every act, but 
never helps Guillaume in the practical ways that come so 
easily to Bertrand, and on the whole is dependent upon his 
uncle in a way that makes him a pathetic rather than a sym- 
pathetic figure. 97 

" Va, si me di a Guillelme mun uncle, 
Si li remenbret del champ desuz Girunde, 
Quant combatit al paien Alderufe. 
Ja set il bien, desconfit l'ourent Hungre. 
Jo vine el tertre ot treis cenz de mes homes, 
Criai Munjoie pur la presse derumpre; 
Cele bataille fis jo veintre a mun uncle." b 
(Cangun de Willame, ed Suchier, 637) 

" Dex ! ", dist il, " sire, beau pere omnipotent, 
Par qui est toute creature vivant, 
La toie force ne va mie f aillant, 
Secor mon oncle, se toi vient a commant ! " c 
{Aliscans, ed. Jonekbloet, 410) 
a Said Bertrand : ' ' Sir, if now I only had a courser ! / My heart 
is much desirous of aiding my uncle. ' ' 

t> ' ' Go, and say to Guillaume my uncle, / If he remembers the 
field down along the Gironde, / When he fought the pagan 
Alderufe. / Full well he knows, the Hungarians had routed him. / 
I came to the hill with three hundred of my men, / 1 cried 
'Monjoie/ to break up the crowd; /That battle I made my uncle 
win. ' ' 

c"God!", said he, "Lord, Father omnipotent, / Through whom 
is every creature living, / Thy strength goes never failing, / Help 
Thou my uncle, if such is Thy will ! ' ' 

97 This characterization is truer of the Vivien of the later 
epics, as distinguished from the Vivien of the Willame. 



150 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Guillaume appears to rely considerably upon his nephew 
Guielin : 

" Oncle Guillaume," Guielins li respont, 
" Gentix horns, sire, vos querriez amor : 
Vez Gloriete, le pales et la tor, 
Quar demandez ou les dames en sont, 
Bien vos poez engaigier por bricon." 
Et dist li cuens : " Tu dis voir, valleton." . . . 

"Nies Guielins," dist il, "quel la ferons? 
James en France, ce cuit, ne revenrons, 
Ne ja neveu, parent, ne beserons." 
" Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez en perdon "... 

"Nies Guielin, comment le porrons fere? 
Tuit somes mort et livre a damaige." 
" Oncle Guillaume, vos parlez de f olaige." a 
(Prise d'Orenge, 515, 1030, 1055) 

Such in the main are the characteristics of the nephew, al- 
though there are individual variations : Bernier, for example, is 
at first so loyal to his master Raoul that he accompanies him on 
an expedition against his uncles, whereupon his mother cries 
in horror: 

"II sont si oncle, si qe bien le seit on; 
Se le lor perdent, mar les i verra on ! " b 
(Raoul de Cambrai, 1319) 

a l ' Uncle Guillaume, ' ' Guielin replies, / l ' Gentle man, sir, you 
were seeking love ; / See Gloriette, the palace and the tower, / Ask 
where the ladies are, / You can well engage as jester. " /And the 
Count said : ' ' Thou sayest truly, lad. ' ' . . . / " Nephew Guielin, ; ' 
said he, "what do we here? /Never, I think, shall we return to 
France, / Nor embrace nephew or relative again. " . . . / " Uncle 
Guillaume, you speak in vain. " . . . / " Nephew Guielin, how can 
we do it? /We are all killed and overwhelmed. ' ? /" Uncle Guil- 
laume, you speak foolishly. ,? 

b ' ' They are his uncles, as is well known ; / If they destroy their 
nephew, they will not be welcome here ! ' ' 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 151 

Raoul fails to assist his uncle Guerri in battle, gradually sepa- 
rating from him, in the desire to perform greater feats by 
himself : 

Mais d'une chose le taign je a effant, 

Qe vers son oncle fausa de convenant; 

Guerri guerpi, son oncle le vaillant 

Et li barons qi li furent aidant . . . 

Mais d'une chose le taign je a legier : 

Guerri guerpi, son oncle le legier 

Et les barons qi li durent aidier. a 
(Raoul, 2664, 2710) 

The nephew is frequently represented as watching anxiously 
his uncle's fate in a combat, or as being overcome with grief at 
his defeat: 

Qant Gautiers voit son oncle enprisonne, 
Tel duel en a le sens quide derver. b 
{Baoul, 4071) 

" Oncle," che dist Bertram, " vous a il adesse ? " 
" Nenil," dist il, " biaus nies, la merci Damelde." 
Et Bertram passe avant a loi de bacheler. 
(Elie de Saint-Gilles, 819) 

" Pleust au roi des ciex et sa mere Marie, 
Que je fusse por vous sous vo targe florie." d 
{Aye d' Avignon, 491) 

a But in one thing I hold him childish, / That towards his uncle 
he broke his agreement ; / Guerri he left, his uncle the stout- 
hearted, / And the barons who were aiding him. . . . / But in one 
thing I hold him thoughtless : / He left Guerri, his uncle, the agile, / 
And the barons who had to aid him. 

b When Gautier sees his uncle taken prisoner, / Such grief does 
he feel, he is almost beside himself. 

c" Uncle," thus spoke Bertrand, "has he touched you?"/ 
( ' Not he, ' ' said he, ' ' fair nephew, by the mercy of God. ' ' / And 
Bertrand passes on, according to the custom of the knight 
aspirant. 

d" Would to the King of Heaven and his mother Mary, / That 
I were for you under your decorated shield." 



152 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

The Count of Bourges expresses his sympathy with his exiled 
uncle : 

" Elies, biaus dous oncles, je sui honis. 
A tort fustes cachies de ees pais, 
Si vous desireta rois Loeys. 
Je sui fieus vo seror, se Dex m'ait, 
Dame Marsent la bele o le cler vis." a 
(Aiol, 3309) 

Foueon sees his uncle Guischart in danger, and exclaims: Dex! 
de mon oncle! si volontiers l'esgart h {Foucon, 2474). Galien 
rescues his uncles Hernaut de Beaulande and Girart de Vienne 
from the Saracens. 98 Roland saves his uncle's life by slaying 
Eaumont at the combat in the gorge of Aspremont." 

(e) Lack of 'Recognition 

A favorite theme with the poets is the meeting of uncle and 
nephew who do not know each other; sometimes they are mu- 
tually attracted by a sympathetic interest, more often they 
fight, yet the poet does not impair the sacredness of the family 
tie by introducing a serious outcome, but on the contrary dis- 
closes their identity to each other and reconciles them after 
he has momentarily awakened the suspense of his audience. 

In one instance we find a nephew killing his uncle by mis- 
take, taking him for an enemy, and thinking he is in reality 
avenging him; Auberi, the uncle, pardons the horrified and 
grief-stricken nephew, Gascelin, who thereupon pursues 
Auberi's enemy and kills him (Auberi, ed. Tarbe, p. 119 ft). 
Baudoin jousts with Charlemagne, who does not recognize him; 

a ' ' Elie, gentle uncle, I am shamed. / Wrongfully were you 
driven from this country, / And King Louis disinherited you. / 1 
am your sister's son, so may God help me, /Lady Marsent the 
beautiful and fair of face.'' 

t> God ! My uncle ! So gladly do I look out for him. 

98 Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, p. 342. 

99 Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, III, p. 87. 



STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 153 

merely wishing to display his strength, he declares himself after 
he has won, and they embrace: 

Baudoins li nies Karlon ne vuet que si panse 
Fussent seu ancor; la place a delivre, 
Plus viste c'uns oisiax sailli an mi le pre; 
Molt desirre q ? il ait a son oncle joste ; 
Jamais ne desenflast d'orgoil ne de fierte 
De ce que l'amperere ot devant lui chose, 
Jusque tant q'il eust son grant pooir mostre. a 
(Chanson des Saisnes, CLVII, 1) 

In Foucon, the pagan Povre-Veii meets his uncle Girart, que 
molt deilst amer, who is in the opposing army, and as the two 
are not aware of their relationship they fight (ed. Tarbe, p. 74). 
When Aymeri, son of Hernaut, makes his first appearance at 
Vienne, his uncle Girart takes him for a jongleur, which so 
angers the nephew that he strikes Girart and makes his face 
bleed : 

Girars escrie: "Prenes moi eel glouton! 

A unes forches or endroit le pandon!" 

Plus de .LX. li courent a bandon. 

Dit Aymeris: "Estes arier, glouton! 

Ja suis je fils dant Hernaut le baron 

Et nies Girars, que de fi le seit on " . . . 

" Aymerit nies, cuers aves de baron : 
Bien traies a la geste." b 

(Girart de Vienne, p. 45) 

aBaudoin, the nephew of Charles, does not wish that his 
thoughts / Should be known as yet ; he has cleared the field, / 
Quicker than a bird he has leaped into the middle of the field; / 
He would like much to joust with his uncle; /Never would he 
relax his presumption and haughtiness / Because the Emperor had 
scolded him, / Until he had shown his great strength. 

t> Girart cries : ' ' Seize me that knave ! / Let us hang him directly 
to a gibbet ! ' ' / More than sixty run swiftly at him. / Said 
Aymeri : ' ' Stand back, knaves ! / 1 am the son of Sir Hernaut the 



154 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Aiol attacks King Louis without knowing that he is his uncle : 

Loeys fu a piet entre ses drus, 
Li fieus de sa seror Tot abatu. a 
(Aiol, 3385) 

At Orleans the Countess Ysabiaus sees Aiol seeking a lodg- 
ing, and offers him shelter without knowing him: 
C'estoit fiex sa seror, de son linage . . . 

S'or seust Ysabieus qu'il fust ses nies, 
Molt par fust ses serviches bien enforcies. b 
(Aiol, 1987, 2073) 

Bovon de Haumtone takes refuge with the Bishop in Cologne, 
whom he does not know to be his father's brother : 

L'eveske fu son unkle, sachez de verite, 
Mes il ne sout ke il fu de son parente. c 
(Boeve de Haumtone, 1899) 

Guillaume, searching the battle-field for Vivien, is attacked by 
his nephew, who takes him for a Saracen; on being asked his 
name, Guillaume replies: 

" Paiens," dist il, " ja ne vos iert celei. 
J'ai non Guillelmes, li marchis au cor neis; 
Mes peres est Aymeris apeleis, 
Hernals mes freire, li chatis Aymers, 
Guibers li rois et Beuves li saneis, 
Et dans Bernars de Brebant la citei, 

baron, / And nephew to Girart, for this is known in very truth. 
. . . / " Aymeri, nephew, you have the heart of a baron, / And well 
take after the family." 

a Louis was on foot among his friends, / His sister 's son had 
felled him. 

t» He was her sister 's son, of her race. . . . / If Ysabiaus had 
known now that he was her nephew, / Full well would her services 
have been forced upon him. 

c The Bishop was his uncle, know in truth, / But he knew not 
that he was of his kin. 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 155 

Et d'Anseiine Guarins li adureis; 
Si est mes nies Viviens l'aloseis, 
Por cui amor suis en cest champ entreis." a 
(Chevalerie Vivien, 1841) 

When Gui dons armor and comes to rescue Willame, the latter 
does not recognize him, so young and small is he: 

Cil respundent: "Pur quei nus demandez? 
Vostre nevou devez conuistre assez." 
Quant l'ot Guillelmes, prist le chief a croller, 
Plurat des oeilz tendrement e suef, 
Dune prent Guiburc durement a blasmer. b 
{Willame, ed. Suchier, 1618) 

Ogier saves his uncle Naimon from the hands of the Saracens, 
and is not at once recognized; on learning each other's identity 
they embrace with great joy : 

Namles Pentent, Dieu en a aore, 
Ainc n'ot tel joie en trestout son ae, 
De fine joie li sont li oeil lerme. c 
(Enfances Ogier, 1160) 

Combats under the same circumstances between other close 
relatives are not infrequently narrated, and particularly common 
as an epic theme all over the world is the combat between 
father and son; the origin and spread of the latter has been 

a ' ' Pagan, ' ' said he, ' ' it will not be hidden from you : / My 
name is Guillaume, the marquis with the short nose ; / My father 
is called Aymeri, / Hernaut my brother, the stripling Aymer, / 
Guibert the king, and Bovon the wise, / And Sir Bernart of Bra- 
bant the city, / And of Anseune Garin the inured, / And my 
nephew is Vivien the renowned, / For love of whom I came into 
this battle-field." 

t> They reply : l ' Why ask you us ? / You must know full well your 
nephew. ' ' / When Guillaume hears it, he shook his head, / Then 
wept tenderly and softly, / And begins to rail harshly at Guiburc. 

c Naimon hears it and praised God : / Never in all his life had 
he such joy; /With extreme joy his eyes are tearful. 



156 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

traced by Dr. Murray Potter, who finds its roots in Matri- 
archy. 100 Dr. Potter adds that the poem of Maugis "fairly 
swarms with encounters between fathers and sons, nephews 
and uncles, and brothers." 101 There is this great distinction 
to be made between the father-son and the uncle-nephew com- 
bat, as will be seen by a comparison of the folk-lore tales to 
which Dr. Potter refers with the stories of the French epic: 
the fight between father and son, ritualistic by origin, becomes 
the denouement of the story of ' a son in search of a father/ 
and is based largely upon ignorance of paternity, while the 
theme of a combat between uncle and nephew is merely an 
episode, and never in the French epic has it any important 
bearing upon the general plot. 102 Yet more or less episodic 
treatment of encounters between father and son is also to be 
found. 103 The two themes are practically alike so far as our 
Chansons de Geste are concerned, in that with very few excep- 
tions the combat ends with recognition and reconciliation. 

(/) Descent Traced through Uncle 

The purely literary treatment cannot always be separated 
from the legendary in certain phases of the uncle-nephew re- 
lations which appear in the Chansons de Geste, yet taken from 
either point of view the conclusions must be the same. Certain 
conventional expressions recurring so frequently that they may 
be called formulas appear to have no part in the transmission 
of the legend of one character or another, but, if a faint line 
of demarcation can be drawn, they seem rather to give that 
kind of unconscious testimony which is to be found in purely 

100 SoJirab and Bustem; for examples in the Old French Epic, 
see pp. 82, 83, 86-90, and Appendix A. 
ioi Id., p. 87. 

102 Cf . the story of Tristan de Nanteuil, Galien, Florent et 
Octavien, Moniage Bainouart, in Paulin Paris, Histoire Litteraire, 
vol. 22. 

103 Of. Floovant, Parise la Duchesse, Baoul de Cambrai (Bernier 
and his son), Macaire, in Hist. Litt., vol. 22. 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 157 

stylistic treatment. When the poet, as we have seen, follows 
a well-defined legend, he gives direct evidence as to the matter 
in hand, but we see just as plainly, if indirectly, from his 
use of terms, the position and importance that a given subject 
assumes in his own mind. Thus the constant repetition of 
phrases of description produces the same effect upon our con- 
clusions that the recurrence of the same kinds of actions does 
in the narrative. 

The frequency is surprising with which the poet makes his 
characters trace their descent through the uncle; when the 
father is mentioned at all in such circumstances, it is usually 
after the uncle. And the poet himself delights in recalling the 
relationship, not only in the case of his well-known heroes, but 
whenever it is possible to attach an uncle to a nephew or a 
nephew to an uncle, even though the character be introduced 
but incidentally. In very few instances is the father mentioned 
to the exclusion of the uncle, but the cases are innumerable in 
which the uncle-nephew relationship is the only genealogical 
indication given. The starting point of this method of treat- 
ment may very well have been the desire to attach a relative 
of this degree to the great heroes, the well-known characters 
of the epic, in order to increase their interest for the audience, 
as we find primarily the tendency of one character to connect 
himself by his own statements with another who is known by 
his great feats to the other characters of the poem, but we also 
find that the poet in his own person links uncle and nephew 
together, not only when one or both are well-known characters, 
but just as frequently when one or both are of but passing- 
interest to the story. The instances in which the poet points 
out relationship of this sort when it can have no possible effect 
on the story mount into the hundreds; yet if there is no tech- 
nical or literary effect, there remains a moral or a sympathetic 
effect. In other words, it is a device to arouse interest in his 
characters; and as we must not ascribe to the poet too great 
capability of literary subjectivity, it remains for us to assume 
that this method of tracing descent or of claiming relationship 



158 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

was not uncommon in his actual experience. The importance 
of the uncle as an ancestor is modified by the attitude of the 
period towards paternity as the great factor in tracing heredity, 
but it is plain that the uncle has not as yet entirely lost the 
dominant power which he once possessed as the head of the 
family in earlier states of society. It is then a legendary sur- 
vival of the uncle as the head of the family which causes the 
poet to attach nephews to Charlemagne and to Guillaume and 
to a host of unknown, unimportant minor characters as well. 
These passages are of two kinds, those in which the relationship 
is indicated by the characters themselves, and those in which 
the poet speaks in his own person. If the latter class appears 
here much smaller than the former, it is because the poet more 
often indicates the relationship as being on the maternal side, 
and for practical purposes these citations are best relegated to 
a subsequent section. As the actual wording varies so little, 
this method of pointing out descent might be called formulas 
of identification. 

"Ami," fait il, "on m'appelle Rollant: 
Nies suis Karl PEmpereor poissant." a 
(Girart de Vienne, p. 75) 

" Dame," ce dist li quens, " fix sui Milon d'Engler, 
Et ai nom Rollans, ensi sui apeles, 
Et sui nies Karlemaine au courage adure." b 
{Fierdbras, 2788) 

" Son nipote di Carlo imperiero, 
E son il fior d'ogni altro cavaliero." c 
(Vanto dei Pdladini, II, 7) 

a ' 'Friend,' ' quoth he, "they call me Eoland; /Nephew am I to 
Charles, the powerful emperor. ' ' 

t>"Lady," thus spoke the Count, "I am the son of Milon 
d 'Engler, / And my name is Eoland, thus am I called, / And I am 
nephew to Charlemagne the strong-hearted. '. ' 

c"I am the nephew of Charles the Emperor, / And I am the 
flower of every other knight. ' ' 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 159 

" Filz sui Girard le conte, ung nobile baron, 
Qui tient quite Viane et Lion et Mascon, 
Guibort a nom ma mere, fille le due Bueson, 
Niez Hernaut de Biaulande qu'a flori le grenon, 
Et eosins Aimeri qui occit le dragon." a 
{Boon de Nanteuil, 69) 

" J'ai non Jofroi, nies suis au bon Gaudin." b 
(Garin le LoJierain, I, 80) 

" Vassaus," fait il, je ai non Olivier. 
Nes suis de Genes, fils au conte Rainier. 
Mes oncles est Dans Hernaut le guerrier; 
Nies suis Girars de Viane le fier." c 
(Girart de Vienne, p. 75) 

Dit Aimeris: "Estes arier, glouton! 
Ja suis je fils Dant Hernaut le baron 
Et nies Girart, que de fi le seit on" . . . 

" Fils suis Hermant de Biaulande la grant, 
Et nies Girars au eorage vaillant." d 
(Girart de Vienne, pp. 45, 49) 

"Li rois Garsile est mes germains cousins, 
Mes oncles fu Fernagu li gentis, 

a ' ' I am the son of Girart the count, a noble baron, / Who holds, 
exempt from claim, Vienne and Lyons and Macon, / (Guibort is 
my mother's name, daughter of Duke Boson) / Nephew of Hernaut 
de Beaulande with the white moustache, / And cousin to Aymeri, 
who slew the dragon.' ' 

t> l ' My name is Geoffroy, nephew am I to the good Gaudin. ' ' 

c l ' Noble youth, ' ' quoth he, ' ' my name is Oliver. / I was born at 
Genoa, son to Count Eainier. / My uncle is Lord Hernaut the 
warrior ; / I am nephew to Girart de Vienne the bold. ' ' 

d Said Aymeri : ' ' Stand back, knaves ! / 1 am the son of Sir 
Hernaut the baron, / And nephew to Girart, for it is known in 
truth." . . ./"I am son to Hernaut of Beaulande the great,/ 
And nephew to Girart of the stout heart. ' ' 



160 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Icil de Nazze, que Rollans m'a ocis." a 
(Otinel, 242) 

"Voir on m'apele Aiol; mes peres est Elie; 
Nies sui l'enpereor qui Franche a en baillie; 
Je suis fieus sa seror la gentil dame Avisse." b 
(Aiol, 5392) 

"Sire," che dist Elies, "je nel puis amender; 
Nes sui de douche Franche, de mout grant parente : 
Ghiillaumes est mes oncles, li marcis au cor nes, 
Mes grans sire Aymeris de Nerbone sor mer; 
Et sui fieus Julien de Saint Gille le ber." c 
(Elie, 1083) 

" Filz suis Gairin d'Anseiine lou dus 
Et nies Guillaume a la fiere vertus." d 

(Enfances Vivien, 4016; cf. 700 note, 726 ff.) 

Se li demande: "Amis, dont estes nes?" 
Bertrans respont, ki tos ert esfrees: 
" Sire, de France, nies Guillame au cort nes." e 
(Aliscans, ed. Halle, 5367) 

" Io ai nun Bertram nies Willame al curbneis." f 
(Cancun de Willame, ed. Chiswick, 3033) 

a l ' King Garsile is my cousin german, / My uncle was Fernagu 
the gentle, / He of Nazze, whom Koland slew. ' ' 

b "Truly, they call me Aiol; my father is Elie; /I am nephew 
to the emperor who has France in his power ; / 1 am son to his 
sister, the gentle Lady Avisse. " 

c l ' Sir, ' ' thus spoke Elie, ' ' I cannot prevent it ; / I was born 
in sweet France, of very noble stock; / Guillaume is my uncle, the 
marquis with the short nose, / My grandsire Aymeri of Narbonne- 
by-the-sea, / And I am son to Julien de Saint Gille, the baron. ' ' 

&"I am son to Garin d 'Anseune the duke, / And nephew to 
Guillaume of the bold courage. " 

e He asks him: "Friend, where were you born? " /Bertrand 
replies, who was much terrified, / ' ' Sir, in France, nephew to 
Guillaume with the short nose. " 

£"My name is Bertrand, nephew to Willame of the crooked 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 161 

Dist li hermites : " Volentiers, par saint Jake ! 
Nes fui de France, del pais honerable, 
Gaidons ai non, nies sui dame Anestasse, 
Feme Garin d'Anseune le large. 
Fils fui d'un due qui fu de grant parage, 
Gerars ot non et si tint quite Blaives." a 
(Moniage Guillaume, 2220) 

" Aymeris fu mes oncles, par ma vie." . . . 
" Jou ai non Landris li timoniers, 
Cousins Guillaume, fil Aymeri le viel." b 
{Moniage Guillaume, 3430, 3456) 

"Diva! estes vous freres, qui si vos resenblez?" 
Et respont Aulori : " Cosins sommes charnez, 
Car nous sommes de freres et de .II. serors nez, 
Neveu le due Gamier de Nentuel la cite." c 
{Aye d' Avignon, 3424) 

Gentiex hon fu, nies fu au roi Karlon; 
Par son baptesme Ansel's ot a non; 
Fiex fu Rispeu et cousins Salemon. d 
{Anse'is de Cartage, 82) 

A l'estor vient uns damoisiaus de pris, 
Parens f u Karle et cosins Anseis ; 

a Said the hermit : ' ' Gladly, by Saint James ! / 1 was born in 
France, in that honorable land ; / G'aidon is my name, nephew am 
I to Lady Anestasse, / Wife to Garin of Anseune the great. / I was 
son to a duke who was of high birth, / Gerart was his name, and 
he held Blaives exempt from claims." 

b ' ' Aymeri was my uncle, by my life \" . . . / " My name is 
Landri the carter, / Cousin to Guillaume, son of Aymeri the old. ' ' 

c < ' What ! Are you brothers, who so resemble each other V / 
And Alori replies : ' ' We are own cousins, / For we were born of 
brothers and of two sisters, / Nephews to Duke Gamier of Nanteuil 
the city." 

a A gentleman was he, he was nephew to King Charles ; / By 
baptism he had the name of Anseis ; / He was son to Eispeu and 
cousin to Salemon. 
12 



162 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Nies fu Sanson et ses oncles fu Guis; 
C'est Garsions, ki tant fu escavis. a 
(Anse'is de Cartage, 10257) 

La fu pris le neuov Willame Bertram. b 

(Cangun de Willame, ed. Chiswick, 1720) 

A ces parolles, vint Hernais d'Orliens. 
Icil fu nies a Garin le guerrier, 
Et freres Huedon l'esveque droiturier. c 
(Garin,!, 132) 

Girart de Commarchis thus makes himself known, in the Siege 
de Barbastre: 

" Et si suis fils Buevon, qui est ceste cites, 
Nies Bernard de Brabant, nies Guillaume au corneis, 
Nies Guarin d'Anseiine, qui pros est et sanes, 
Nies Aymer lou conte, qui tant vos a penes, 
Nies Guibert d'Andernai, c'est fine verites, 
Et freres Guielin, qui tant est adures, 
Et nies dant Aymeri, qui vieulz est et melles." d 
(Ms. Bib. Nat., 1448 fonds fr., fol. 122 v°) 

In this connection it may be noted that the poet both in his 
own person and that of his characters is fond of referring to a 
man as the nephew (less often as the uncle) of another rather 

a To the combat came a youth of worth ; / He was a relative of 
Charles and a cousin of Anseis ; / He was nephew to Sanson, and 
his uncle was Gui ; / That is Garsion, who was so slender. 

b There was captured the nephew of Willame, Bertrand. 

c At these words came Hernais d 'Orleans. / He was nephew to 
Garin the warrior, /And brother to Odon, the righteous bishop. 

a "And I am son to Bovon, to whom this city is, / Nephew to 
Bernart de Brubant, nephew to Guillaume the shortnosed, / 
Nephew to Garin d 'Anseune, who is valiant and wise, / Nephew to 
Aymer the count, who has tormented you so much, / Nephew to 
Guibert d 'Andernai, this is the real truth, / And brother to Guielin, 
who is so practised, / And ' nephew ' to Sir Aymeri, who is old and 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 163 

than by name ; frequently the name appears to be brought in as 
if it were an afterthought. Such passages are so numerous that 
only a small selection can be made here. In every instance it 
seems as if the relationship were the thought uppermost in the 
mind of the poet, as if the name were a secondary consideration 
and he were making every effort to bring out that relationship. 
Roland is everywhere li nies Karlon to Franks and Saracens 
alike : 

" Li nies Carlun l'ad mort e cunf undut." . . . 

" II nen ad mie de Rollant sun nevuld." . . . 

" Rollanz sis nies me coillit en haiir." a 

(Chanson de Boland, 2824, 3182, 3771) 

A voiz escrie : " est l'ostel Rollant, 
Le neveu Charle, qui des bones fist tanf?" b 
(Narbonnais, 2333) 

Not seldom another character in the poem addresses Roland as 
nies Karlemaine instead of by name : 

" Sire nies Karlemaine, pour Diu vous voel proiier, 
Va mon ami secourre qui je voi travillier." c 
{Fierdbras, 3503) 

" Sire nies l'empereres," dist Renaus, " entendez." d 
(Eenaut de Montauban, p. 328, 1) 

The Saxons address Baudoin in the same way, and apply the 
same term to him indirectly as does the poet in his own words : 

" Bele," ce dit Sebile qui fine amors mahaigne, 
" Huchiez au neveu Karle qi por m'amor ampraigne "... 

a ' ' The nephew of Charles has killed and destroyed him. ' ' . . . / 
"He has nothing of Roland his nephew." . . ./"Roland his 
nephew took a hatred of me. ; ' 

b Loudly he cries: "Where is the hostelry of Roland, / The 
nephew of Charles, who did so many deeds?" 

c " Sir nephew of Charlemagne, for Heaven 's sake I want to beg 
you, / Go aid my friend, whom I see there in sore distress. ' ' 

a "Sir nephew of the Emperor," said Renaut, "listen." 



164 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Baudoins li nies Karlon descendi en l'erbois . . . 
" C'est Baudoins vo nies, jou vos di en plevine "... 
II et li nies Karlon en ont le pris porte . . . 
Baudoins li nies Karle est par matin levez . . . 

" Et garde Karlemaine de mort et d'encombrier, 
Baudoin son neveu o le visage tier." a 

{Saisnes, LXVIII, 10, LXXI, 1, LXXIV, 9, 
LXXXV, 19, CCXXXVTII, 14, CCXLVIII, 11) 

Vivien is to the pagans li nies Guillaume, and seems to think of 
himself in that relation rather than as an individuality, when 
he says: 

" Se ge n'abat des miolz enparenteis, 
Et des mellors et des plus abrives, 
Se ge les puis devent moi ancontreir, 
Ans ne f ui nies dan G-uillelme au cort neis." b 
(Chevalerie Vivien, 1902) 

" Ses vos envoie Viviens l'aloses, 
.i. nies Guillelme, lou marchis au cor neis "... 

Dient paien : " C'est li Guillelme nies, 
C'est Viviens, li fel, li enragies." c 
(Chevalerie Vivien, 116, 136) 

a ' ' Fair lady, ' ' said Sebile, whom extreme love torments. / 
' ' Call to the nephew of Charles who is full of love for me. ' ' . . . / 
Baudoin, the nephew of Charles, descended to the meadow. . . . / 
' ' That is Baudoin, your nephew, I tell you with assurance. ' ' . . . / 
He and the nephew of Charles have carried off the prize. . . . / 
Baudoin, the nephew of Charles, rose early. . . . /■" And preserve 
Charlemagne from death and injury, / Baudoin Ms nephew with the 
haughty countenance. ' ' 

t>"If I do not overthrow some of the best connected, / And the 
best and most ardent, / If I can meet them face to face, /Never 
was I nephew to Sir Guillaume with the short nose. ' ' 

c l ' Vivien, the renowned, sends them to you, / A nephew of 
Guillaume the marquis of the short nose. ' J . . . / Say the pagans : 
•' l That is the nephew of Guillaume, / It is Vivien, the cruel, the 
furious. ' ' 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 165 

Anfelise announces her desire to marry Foueon: 

" Mari vueil panre : or vueil que me loez. 
Nies est Guillelme, qui tant vos a penez." a 
(Foueon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 4229) 

During the fight between Roland and Otinel : 

Li Sarrasin a la color muee; 
Tint CourouQouse, dont la lemele est lee ; 
Au neveu Karl la fera ja privee. b 
(Otinel, 546) 

Mes li nies Karle se courut adober . . . 

Meis li nies Charle li traverse devant. c 
(Otinel, 747, 858) 

Aymer refers to Guillaume, not as his brother, but as the uncle 
of Bertrand! 

" Cuvers paiens, livres estes a honte, 
Se ne me rens dant Hernalt de Gironde, 
Lou cuen Bertran et Guillelme son oncle, 
Et roi Guibert qui barnages abonde." d 
(Prise de Cordres, 338) 

The poet neglects no opportunity of keeping the relationship 
constantly before his listeners by using such expressions as: 
Li nies le roi de Franche i entra tons premiers e (Fierabras, 

& "I wish to take a husband ; now I wish you to approve. / He is 
nephew to (iuillaume, who has harassed you so much. " 

b The Saracen changed color; /He held Courouceuse, whose 
blade is broad ; / He will make it familiar to the nephew of 
Charles. 

e But the nephew of Charles ran to arm himself. . . . / But the 
nephew of Charles crosses in front of him. 

a 1 1 Pagan villain, you are delivered up to shame, / If thou dost 
not surrender to me Sir Hernaut de Gironde, / Count Bertrand 
and Guillaume, his uncle, / And King Guibert, in whom valor 
abounds. ' ' 

e The nephew of the King of France entered first of all. 



166 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

3894); Et apela o soi son neveu Baudoin 3 - (Saisnes, L, 9); 
Son neveu Baudoins qui fu freres Eollant b (Saisnes, LIV, 18) ; 
Baudoins li nies Karlon venoit toz sox errier c (Saisnes, LXVII, 
8); Plaist vus o'ir del nies dame Guiburc 6 - (Willame, 1178); 
Et Viviens i fut, li nies Guillelme* (Willame, 31) ; Tiedbalz li 
quens, ot sun nevou Esturmi 1 (Willame, 29) ; Sire Guillaumes, 
Bertran cist vostre nies s (Enfances Vivien, 3053); Laissies 
Bertran, molt est jones mes nies h (Enfances Vivien, 3060); 
A Rollant son neveu Va Karles commandee i (Renaut, p. 143, 
35). Thus the poet explains over and over again who his 
character is, using the same formula; since it was the custom 
to recite only a portion of one of these long poems at a time, 
this method kept continually before the mind of the hearer the 
relationship of the character, no matter at what stage of the 
story the recital might be taken up. 104 

As examples of the arbitrary attachment of a nephew to an 
uncle by the poet without apparent necessity or reason may be 
cited such instances as that of a combattant in a battle, named 
Huon de Beorges, of whom the poet says that he nes fu a 
Danemarches ; uns des neveus Ogier* (Foucon, ed Tarbe, p. 
73) ; Elinant is mentioned only twice in the poem of Aymeri, 
and nothing in particular is said of him, but he is introduced 

a And called to him his nephew Baudoin. 

t» His nephew Baudoin, who was brother to Eoland. 

c Baudoin the nephew of Charles came wandering all alone. 

a Do you wish to hear of the nephew of Lady Guiburc. 

e And Vivien was there, the nephew of Willame. 

* Tedbalt the count, with his nephew Esturmi. 

s Sir Guillaume, Bertrand, this your nephew. 

h Leave Bertrand ; very young is my nephew. 

i To Roland his nephew did Charles commend it. 

i Born in Denmark was he ; one of the nephews of Ogier. 

104 Of. also Baoul de Cambrai, 3337, Prise de Cordres, 1133, Mort 
Aymeri, 3045, Chevalerie Ogier, 3224, 3749, 3845, 3855, Boon de 
Nantueil, 55, Aye d' Avignon, 864, Parise la Buchesse, 1853, 1904, 
Mort Garin, 4196, 4284, Foucon, 5428, 5811, 7364, Elioxe, 1639, 



STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 167 

as li nies Naimon que Charles ot tant chier 3 - (Aymeri, 3656); 
in connection with the geste of Aymeri, the poet speaks of li 
bons rois Otes and states that icil fu oncle as chevaliers nobiles b 
(Mort Aymeri, 3085) ; Berrous is the oncles Benoit le vaillant 
escuier, who was Ogier's squire (Chevalerie Ogier, 3436) ; in the 
final battle between the Bretons and the Norois the pagans kill 
Gamier, the Duke of Quoquerie, who was nies VApostaire qui 
Bomme a en baillie c (Acquin, 3010). It seems to be a stylistic 
trick to awaken interest in one character or the other, as in the 
account of a battle between the French and the Saracens, in 
which the poet apparently gives all the necessary information 
about Matamart in one descriptive phrase : 

Rois Matamars son ceval esperone; 
En paienie n'avoit nul plus franc home, 
Rois Synagons est nies et il est oncles. d 
(Moniage Guillaume, 4214) 

( g) Names Connected in Lists of Combattants 

In giving lists of combattants in battle, or of hostages, or 
in recounting the arrival of reinforcements to an army, the 
poet manages to introduce a great many nephews for no ap- 
parent reason, usually bringing in uncle and nephew together; 
it would seem that the association of the two in war was a 
tradition so firmly imprinted upon the poet's memory that such 
a combination of names has to him as it were a pictorial sug- 
gestiveness. Among the hostages whom the King gives to 
Raoul to guarantee his promise the poet mentions: Et Beren- 
gier et son oncle Sanson {Baoul, 770) ; there is no further men- 
tion of either, and Langlois, in his Table des Noms Propres, 
considers that the two have no connection with other characters 

a The nephew of Naimon, whom Charles held so dear, 
b He was uncle to the noble knights, 
c Nephew to the Pontiff, who has Rome in his power, 
a King Matamart spurs his horse ; / In pagandom there was not 
a more noble knight ; / King Synagon is nephew, and he is uncle. 



168 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

of the same name, so that it appears a stylistic device which 
assigns this relationship to them. Similarly, when Guerri is 
about to get the upper hand of Bernier, two unknown nephews 
of the latter come to his rescue, performing their function in 
this passage, to be heard of no more in the poem : 

Devers Bernier est li gius mal partis, 
Qant d' autre part eiz ces neveus saillis : 
Ce fu Gerars et Henris de Cenlis. a 
(Baoul de Cambrai, 3448) 

Raoul and his uncle Guerri are associated throughout the poem 
in phrases such as : 

II et ces oncles vont lor gent ordenant . . . 

II et ces oncles qi le poil ot ferrant. b 
(Raoul, 2411, 2492) 

In a list of the Breton knights accompanying Charlemagne 
against the Norois we find : 

Et Tiori et son nies Salemon 

Qui de Bretaigne tint puis la region . . . 

Et Salemon, filz de son frere esne. c 
(Acquin, 70, 747) 

In Elie, the poet makes one of the pagans comment upon the 
wonderful strength of one of the combattants, and he adds: 
C'est Artus de Bretaigne u Gavain, ses nevos (654). Even 
among the pagans, where such accurate genealogy is surely a 
poetical invention, we find uncle and nephew going together 
in these battle episodes: Et Aarofles et ses nies Cladumeaus 

a The match is uneven for Bernier, / When on the other side, lo ! 
his nephews have sprung out : / That was Gerart and Henri de 
Senlis. 

t> He and his uncle go arranging his men. . . . / He and his uncle 
who has iron-gray hair. 

cAnd Thierry and his nephew Salemon, / Who afterwards held 
the country of Brittany. . . ./And Salemon, son of his elder 
brother. 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 169 

(Covenant Vivien, 310) ; Turlen de Dasturges & sis nies Alfais 
(Willame, 1710). 

Et Anseys fiert le vassal Helye, 
Mort le trebuche, s'en est 1'ame partie; 
Symons ses oncles ocist Aubert de Brie. a 
(Anse'is de Mes, 420, 27) 

When Guillaume sends to Huon de Floriville for help to avenge 
the loss of Vivien, the poet tells us that: 

Hue et ses nies furent leve par main, 
Gaudins li bruns, li fiz au conte Elain. b 
(Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 409) 

And on the high seas, Foucon and his companions in their ship : 

En haute mer encontrent un dromon, 
Qui fert Morgan et le neveu Fanon. c 
(Foucon, ed. Tarbe, p. 15 ) 105 

When King Louis prepares an expedition to deliver Guillaume 
from a Saracen prison: 

Li rois de France fait faire ses escris, 
Un en envoie son neveu Baudewin. a 
(Moniage Guillaume, 3721) 

In Elioxe, a nephew of the pagan king is introduced without 
reason and without taking any further part in the action : 

a And Ansei's strikes the vassal Elie, / He strides him dead, and 
his soul departs; / Simon his uncle slew Aubert de Brie. 

b Huon and his nephew had risen early, / Gaudin the dark, the 
son of Count Elain. 

c On the high sea they meet a ship / Which carries Morgan and 
the nephew of Fanon. 

a The King of France has his letters written, / One he sends to 
his nephew Baudoin. 

105 Another version reads : Del 'premier jal encontrent un dromon, 
Qui fu Morant et lo neveu Fanon (ed. Sehultz-Gora, 1290), showing 
how persistently the scribes retained the idea of relationship, even 
when other details escaped them. 



170 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

A tant mostra sa ciere 
Li nies le roi d'Artage par une baotiere.* 
{Elioxe, 1061) 

It has already been pointed out by Professor Weeks that in the 
Cangun de Willame the names of Gautier de Termes and Reiner 
are always placed close together; Reiner is the sister's son of 
Gautier, and it seems to Professor Weeks that "this position 
is not an accidental circumstance." 106 In enumerating the 
battalions drawn up for the combat in Anseis de Mes, the rela- 
tionship seemingly has as much weight with the poet as the 
names of the leaders : 

Droges le tierce, le quarte fist Aimons, 

De Tailleborc .1. siens oncles Simons 

La quinte, od eux .xx. M. compaignons . . . 

Et la sissime fist li rois Anseis, 
De Florivile .1. siens oncles Aikins. b 
{Anseis de Mes, 414, 9 ft.) 

Thus even the external features of the poet's literary style bring 
out the inevitable association of uncle and nephew. 

(h) Forms of Address 

One very interesting phase of the poet's method is the form 
of address which he causes his characters to employ towards 
one another: Biaus oncles, biaus nies, sire nies, etc., with or 
without the name in addition. The list does not contain much 
variety, nor does it give much, if any, assistance in analyzing 

a Forthwith showed his face / The nephew of the Bang of Artage 
through an opening. 

t> Drogon the third, Aimon formed the fourth, / His uncle Simon 
de Tailleborc / The fifth, with them twenty thousand companions. 
. . . / And the sixth King Anseis formed, / His uncle Aiquin de 
Floriville. 

10 6 Eaymond Weeks, ' ' The Newly Discovered Chan§un de 
WiR'ame," Modern Philology, III, p. 216. 



STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 171 

the individuality of the characters; what it does give, however, 
is a mathematical demonstration of the importance of the uncle- 
nephew relations — oncles and nies as vocatives outnumber all 
the other forms of family address combined. In this, as in 
many other phases of the Old French Epic, not only was imita- 
tion not frowned upon, but the saving grace of originality was 
not even recognized. The exordium of the poet to his hearers, 
the endless prayers which recite the whole story of the Old 
Testament, the descriptions of grief and of death itself, these 
and many others contain features of style that amount to a 
regular convention, the form of which sometimes degenerates 
into mere tags; it is not easy to determine just what expres- 
sions shall be considered tag-rhymes, introduced because the 
poet's invention gives out, and what ones are to be considered 
as representing a real aspect of the poet's thought. Gaston 
Paris states his view of the situation clearly : " il y a deja dans 
le Roland beaucoup de formules toutes faites, heritage de 
l'epopee anterieure, qui facilitent au poete l'expression de ses 
idees, mais la rendent frequemment banale, et qui l'empechent 
trop souvent de voir directement et avec une emotion person- 
nelle les choses qu'il veut peindre." 107 He had previously said 
of the Roland : " Pas une cheville, aucune concession a la 
rime." 108 The line of demarcation between the conventional 
formula, which has quite as much raison d'etre as those of the 
present day, and the meaningless cheville, which is as its name 
indicates only a stop-gap, is so easily overstepped that each 
critic will probably make his own individual classification. If 
any one feature of the poet's use of terms in his treatment 
of the dealings between uncle and nephew deserves to be called 
a stop-gap, it is the formulas of address, yet nevertheless there 
is an indefinably sympathetic character about them which effec- 
tually brings out the nature of the sentiments expressed. A 
few examples will suffice to show the general style, which is com- 
mon to French and pagans alike: Ahi! Karles, biaus oncles, 

107 Litterature Frangaise au Moyen Age, p. 63. 

108 Histoire Foetique de Charlemagne, p. 24. 



172 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

jamais ne me venres & (Fierabras, 3329); Bertram, beau sire 
nies; Fntendez, sire nies; Ha, Bertran, sire (Couronnement 
Louis, 2184, 1543, 1169) ; Oncle Guillaume, gentix horns, sire 
{Prise d'Orenge, 515) ; Bex gart toi, nies (Raoul de Cambrai, 
835) ; Dous nies (Renaut de Montauban, p. 120, 29 ). 109 

There is also a type of characterization which amounts to a 
formula, i. e., the terms employed by nephew or uncle in speak- 
ing of each other or by others in referring to them: Karlon 
vostre oncle l'adure; h Karlemaine mon oncle qi tant m'a eu 
chier (Saisnes, CCXXII, 24, CCLVII, 42) ; Ton oncle le gentil, 
a Vadure talent; mon neveu le Danois alose; Berart mon neveu, 
qui tant a de fiertes; Son neveu Maprin, que durement ama; 
Maprin, non neveu le guerrier ( Gaufrey, 1125, 1575, 1771, 6058 r 
8858) ; Gautier, mon neveu le vailant; Mon nevou Raoul, 
c'amoie tant (Raoul, 4419, ms. de Girbert, 662) ; Bertran, son 
neveu, le nobile; Ses .ij. neveus, que il pot amer tant; Bertrans 

a Ah, Charles, fair uncle, nevermore will you see me. / Bertrand, 
fair nephew, sir. / Listen, sir nephew. / Ah, Bertrand, sir. / Uncle 
Guillaume, gentle sir. / God guard you, nephew. / Gentle nephew. 

t> Charles, your uncle, the proven knight. / Charlemagne, my 
uncle, who held me so dear. / Your uncle the gentle, of the proven 
ardor. / My nephew, the honored Dane. / Berart my nephew, who 
has such boldness. / His nephew Maprin, whom he deeply loved. / 
Maprin, my nephew, the warrior. / Gautier, my nephew the valiant. 
/ My nephew Eaoul, whom I loved so much. / Bertrand, his nephew 
the noble. / His two nephews, whom he loved so much. / Bertrand 
my nephew, who is brave and valiant. / His nephew, Sir Vivien, the 
brave. / Sir Godefroi, your valorous uncle. / My uncle Guillaume, 
the feared. / Guichart my uncle, whose heart was bold. / Protect 
today my nephew the practised. / My dear uncle Naimon of the 
wise heart. / My uncle Naimon of the bold heart. / Your uncle 
Constantine the renowned. / My nephew whom I held so dear. / 
Your dear uncle, who brought you up gently. / Fromondin, who 
does not wish to leave his dear uncle. / Enguelier my uncle, who did 
so much to be praised. / Bovon, my gentle uncle. 

109 The use of cosin applied to a nephew as a term of endear- 
ment has already been pointed out on page 4 ff. 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 173 

■mis nies, qui est preuz et vaillanz {Prise d'Orenge, 10, 84, 
1095); Sun nevou, dan Vivien le prou (Willame, ed. Suchier, 
9) ; Dant Godefroi vostre oncle de valor; Mes oncles Guillaume 
li doutes (Enfances Vivien, 774, 4752) ; Guichart son oncle, 
qui le cuer ot hardi (Foucon, 5429) ; Garissiez Jiui mon neveu 
Vadure (Narbonnais, 4769) ; Mes chiers oncles N amies au cuer 
sene; Mon oncle Namlon au cuer hardi (Enfances Ogier, 1004, 
1115) ; Vostre uncle Costentin Valose; he mien neveu que favoie 
tant chier (Chevalerie Ogier, 1416, 3856) ; Vostres chiers oncles 
qui souef vous norri (Garin, I, 146) ; Fromondins, qui ne vialt 
mie son chier oncle guerpir (Mort Garin, 4006) ; Enguelier mon 
oncle qui tant fist a loer (Gui de Nanteuil, 806) ; Buevon, mon 
oncle debonaire (Aye d' Avignon, 166). Thus there seems to be 
on the part of the poets a clear intention to add as far as pos- 
sible a complimentary or affectionate epithet in characterizing 
the uncle or the nephew. By far the commonest term that is 
applied to the nephew is fiz sa seror, a formula which has such 
an important bearing- upon our whole question that it must be 
treated in a section by itself. There are other formulas to be 
found in the language of the epic, the most important of which 
is perhaps that of allegiance : Ogier speaks of the foi que je doi 
le due Namlon porter a (Enfances Ogier, 2212) ; Oliver reminds 
Roland: Par la foi que deves Karle vostre oncle (Girart de 
Vienne, p. 76). 

(i) Pagan Uncle and Nephew 

Another phase of the epic which may be treated as a purely 
stylistic one is the habit of connecting the Saracen uncle and 
nephew just as is done with the French characters; each poem 
is remarkably consistent in itself and, as regards the leading 
enemies of France, the genealogy varies but little from one 
poem to another, so that it would appear that the legendary 
material of the Chansons de Geste included certain Saracen 

a Fidelity that I must show Duke Naimon. / By the fidelity you 
owe to Charles your uncle. 



174 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

genealogies. And not only is the consistency remarkable with 
which the same relationship is maintained, but the number of 
characters among the Saracens or other enemies of France who 
are described as the nephew or the uncle of another is very 
large; this combination is very common in accounts of battles, 
where the nephew frequently appears only once in the whole 
story. The most frequent method is to attach a nephew to an 
uncle who is a more important character in the poem, but not 
seldom do we see two entirely unknown characters combined 
in this way: Boi Ab salon, hi nies fu au soudant* (Anse'is de 
Cartage, 3674) ; Clariun, nies Vamirant et de sa sereur nes 
{Fierabras, 4065) ; Machiner e sun uncle Maheu (Roland, 66) ; 
[Desrames] et Tacon, le fil de sa seror (Aliscans, 39) ; 110 
Luc'ion, le neveu Vamustant (Anse'is, 3478) ; Goniot d'Ale- 
mengne, nies Savari de sa seror germaine (Aymeri de Narbonne, 
1775). Sometimes the nephew is not even named, the mere fact 
of the relationship seeming to answer the poet's purpose : Iluec 
ont mort A. neveu Desiier (Anse'is, 3191) ; Et Guis ochist le fil 
de sa seror (Anse'is, 2775) ; Morant et lo neveu Fanon (Foucon, 
1291) ; .iiii. donzel et uns nies Vamirant (Foucon, 3899) ; Et 
un vallet, qui fu nies Vamire (Foucon, 3924). 

The Saracen Amir ant, in telling the history of Narbonne, 
mentions a battle fought there under the Romans, and brings in 
a certain Fenice, who nies fu Popee (Narbonnais, 3712) ; this 
is the only mention of Fenice, who led the army of Caesar 

a King Absalom, who was nephew to the Sultan. / Clarion, 
nephew to the Emir, and of his sister born. / Machiner and his 
uncle Maheu. / Desrame and Tacon, the son of his sister. / Lueion, 
the nephew of the Emir. /Goniot d'Allemagne, nephew of Savari 
by his sister. / There they killed a nephew of Desier. / And Gui slew 
his sister 's son. / Morant and the nephew of Fanon. / Four youths 
and a nephew of the Emir. / And a lad, who was nephew to the 
Emir. 

no This is the reading of Jonckbloet; the Halle ed., vs. 33, reads: 
Le jor ont mort maint gentil vavasor, / Et a Guillaume le fil de sa 
seror. 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 175 

against the Britons, while Pompey appears also in the Prise de 
Pampelune (1677, 3024). Another curious instance of the 
arbitrary creation of a nephew is found in the Chanson d'An- 
tioche: the poet makes Tatice a sister's son of the Emperor 
Alexis, but according to the historian Comnenus, Tatice (or 
Estatin in the poem) was of Saracen origin and a favorite of 
Alexis, but there is no evidence that he was related to him 
(Chanson d'Antioche, Chant II if.). It is also curious to find 
that the relationship of the pagans is kept in mind by the 
French troops, as when Gamier addresses King Desrame, and 
says to him: Vos et Tiebauz vostre nies, escoutez (Foucon, 
7791). It goes without saying that the pagans are always 
made to bear in mind the relationships among the French; 
we have seen already many examples of this. 

The number of cases of this relationship among the pagans, 
the extreme care which the poet takes to point it out and to 
repeat his statements, and the consistency with which he fol- 
lows out this partial genealogy, all these points tend to indicate 
the general importance which the uncle-nephew tie assumed in 
his mind. He delights in underlining the disastrous effect 
which the loss of a nephew has upon the leaders of the enemy, 
and he constantly makes his French heroes wreak their ven- 
geance for their own losses upon the nephew of the amirant or 
the soudant or some other chief. Furthermore, despite the 
general tendency to paint the Saracens as black as possible by 
the free use of uncomplimentary epithets, the poet attributes to 
them exactly the same characteristics in the uncle-nephew 
relations that he does to the French. We can find parallel 
illustrations for nearly all the points of contact between uncle 
and nephew among the French and among the pagans, but in 
the latter case particular emphasis is given to their association 
in war and to the desire for vengeance; the frequency with 
which he introduces the nephew in battles is surprising — a 
search of Langlois' Table would show hundreds of names. A 
few citations will show the attributes which the poet attaches 
to the Saracen uncle and nephew. 



176 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

An instance of the bringing up of the nephew by the uncle : 

C'est li fils Faussetain, qui del Franc est issus. 
A Baudart f u norris. Si V porta Kahus 
Au roi Dinel son oncle, qui l'amirant fu drus. a 
{Foucon, ed. Tarbe, p. 67) 

After serving his uncle well, the pagan nephew receives marked 
favors, is granted lands, is given important work to do or is 
made the confidential messenger of his uncle: 

"Mapris, venes avant; bien vous estes encontre; 
Vous estes mon neveu, si vous ai moult ame. 
Vauclere vous otroi, le pais grant et le." b 
{Gaufrey, 1520) 

Qant il vit Baudoin, ne f u mie atalante ; 
Cuida Caanins fust, fiz (de) sa seror Aiglante. 
" Caanins," fait il, "nies, ta valors m' atalante; 
Nul plus bel chevalier ne sai de ta jovente; 
De .v. citez roiax vuel acroistre ta rante." c 
{Chanson des Saisnes, CXXIX, 5) 

"Sire," dist il, "je irai volantiers 
Dedens Sebille lou mesage noncier, 
Au roi Judas mon honcle lou guerrier." d 
{Prise de Cordres, 2317) 

a It is the son of Faussetain, who is the issue of the Frank. / 
At Baudart he was reared, and Kahus took him / To King Dinel, 
his uncle, who was a friend 1 of the Emir. 

k"Maprin, come forward; you are well met; /You are my 
nephew, and I have loved you much. / I grant you Vauclere, the 
region great and broad. " 

c When he saw Baudoin, it was not with eagerness; / He thought 
it was Caanin, son of his sister Aiglante. / ' l Caanin, ' ; quoth he, 
' ' nephew, thy valor pleases me ; / No finer knight do I know of of 
thy youth; /By five cities royal I wish to increase thy income. " 

a ' ' Sir, ' > said he, "I will gladly go / Within Seville to announce 
the message / To King Judas, my uncle, the warrior. ' ' 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 177 

Le roi de Pieonie Giordans appela, 
Et son neveu Maprin, que durement ama. a 
(Gaufrey, 6057) 

Meymes ieel jour Bradmund se leva, 
Son neveu Graunder a sei apella : 
" Graunder," f et Bradmund, " a la prison tost va, 
Dy a mes chartrers, ke il veignent a mei sa." b 
(Boeve de Haumtone, 1147) 

"En Babiloine t'en eovendra aler 
Dire mon oncle, qui mout f et a doter, 
Que il me viegne aidier sanz demorer." c 
(Narbonnais, 3434) 

When King Edgar of England proposes to give his daughter 
in marriage to Bovon's son, he sends for the latter' s uncles : 

L'eveske de Londres ad le roi mandez 

E quatre contes, uncles a Boun le senez . . . 

Kant Boves veit ses unkles, si les ad beisez; 
Les noveles del mariage unt contez. d 
(Boeve de Haumtone, 3750, 3756) 

The Danish king wants the hand of Flandrine for his nephew, 
but her father is unwilling to grant it, and the two pagans are 
at war over the question : 

" Le roy danois la quiert, chen sai je vraiement, 
Pour donner son neveu, .i. damoisel vaillant, 

a G-loriant called the King of Pieonie, / And his nephew Maprin, 
whom he deeply loved. 

t» That same day Bradmund rose, / His nephew Graunder he 
called to him; /"Graunder/' quoth Bradmund, "to the prison go 
straight, / Say to my warders that they come to me here. ' ' 

c " To Babylon you must go, / And say to my uncle, who is much 
to be feared, / That he come to aid me without delay. ' ' 

a The Bishop of London summoned the King / And four counts, 
uncles to Bovon the wise ; . . . / When Bovon sees his uncles, he 
kissed them ; / They related the news of the marriage. 

13 



178 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Gontier est apele des vaus de Montbruiant." a 
(Doon de Mayence, 6364) 

The instances of mutual affection are many: the pagan Des- 
rame shows evident preference for his nephew Baudus over 
his son Renoart, but as the son is an apostate, the poet would 
naturally set the father against him in battle: 

Dist Baudus : " Sire, or sui toz aprestez ; 
A l'estandart, biax oncles, vos seez, 
Que de Guillaume en cest jor pes aurez. 
S'il m'ose atendre tost sera afrontez. 
De Renoart point ne vos dementez, 
Car hui seront toz .ij. a fin alez." b 
(Aliscans, ed. Jonckbloet, 6347) 

Aarofle is indignant because Guiborc forsook her husband, his 
nephew, and married Guillaume; he threatens Guillaume: 

" Ja en Orenge ne porres mais vertir 
A la putain, ke jou doi tant hair, 
Ki mon neveu Tiebaut a fait honir." c 
{Aliscans, ed. Halle, 1149) 

Grant joie maine Tibaus li Arabis 

Del roi son oncle qui est encore vis . . . 

Lors s'entr'acolent li oncles et li nis. d 
{Foucon, ed. Sehultz-Gora, p. 453) 

a ' ' The Danish king seeks her, that I know in truth, /To give 
to his nephew, a valiant youth ; / G'ontier he is called, of the Vales 
of Montbruyant. ' ' 

t> Said Baudus: "Sir, now I am all ready; /By the standard, 
fair uncle, place yourself, / For this day you shall have peace of 
Guillaume. / If he ventures to await m6, straightway will he be 
attacked. / Do not trouble yourself about Eenoart, / For today 
both will be gone to their end. ' ' 

c ' ' Never shall you return to Orange, / To the slut whom I must 
hate so deeply, / Who has disgraced my nephew Tibaut. ' ' 

a Tibaut the Arab feels great joy / Over the king, his uncle, 
who is still alive. / Then uncle and nephew embrace. 



STYLISTIC TEEATMENT IN THE POEMS 179 

"Mon neveu me rendres l'amiral de Persie, 
Et vos r'ares Renaut sain et sauf et en vie." . . . 

Garsions d'Antioche a son neveu veu, 
Que mais ne garira, tant a del sane perdu ; 
Plains fu de maltalent, s'ot le cuer irascu. a 
(Chanson d'Antioche, V, 195, 229) 

" Se mon neveu enporte, moult par seres laignier." b 
(Fierabras, 3886) 

Grant doel en ot li glos en son corage, 
Car Synagons estoit de son lignage, 
Frere sa mere, s'en ot au cuer la rage. c 
(Moniage Guillaume, 4642) 

Cel jour prisrent li nostre Pamiral des Escles, 
Au tref Huon le Maine la fu emprisones; 
Nies estoit Garsion et de sa seror nes ; 
Sachies quant le saura moult en iert adoles. d 
(Antioche, IV, 1011) 

"Di moi mon oncle: se tost ne me secor, 
De son lignage perdra ja lo meillor." e 
{Foucon, 2663) 

a ' ' My uncle the Emir of Persia you will restore to me, / And 
you shall have Eenaut back, safe and sound and alive. " . . . / Garsion 
of Antioch saw his nephew, / That he will never recover, so much 
blood has he lost ; / Full of anger was he, and his heart was 
wrathful. 

t> ' ' If he carries off my nephew, most cowardly will you be. ' ' 

c Great sorrow had the knave in his heart at this, / For Synagon 
was of his race, / His mother 's brother, and his heart was 
wrathful. 

a That day our troops took the Emir of the Slavs; / In the tent 
of Huon le Maine he was imprisoned; / Nephew was he to Garsion, 
and of his sister born ; / Know when he learns this, he will be 
much grieved by it. 

e ' ' Tell my uncle for me ; If he does not aid me straightway, / 
He will indeed lose the best of his lineage. J ' 



180 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

The names of uncle and nephew stand always in close con- 
nection in accounts of battles, the nephew combats for the 
uncle, and the association is always intimate. Corsolt defends 
the side of the Saracens in combat against Guillaume (Couron- 
nement Louis, 620) ; Sortin fights for his uncle against Jour- 
dain (Jourdains de Blaivies, 1804) ; Desrame and Tibaut go 
side by side throughout the story of Foucon, as do Tacon and 
Desrame in Aliscans, Guiteclin and Baudamas in the Chanson 
des Saisnes, and others. 

Et d' autre part Tiebaut s'appareilla, 
Et Desramez mout pres de lui ala; 
Ce fu son nies, por ce plus s'i fia. a 

(Narbonnais, laisse CLXXXVIII, h, 17, variant) 

Huidelon vient devant et Escorfaus ses nies. b 
(Gui de Bourgogne, 3626) 

Li rois de Cordrez ot Orenges assise; 

Ses niez Tiebauz ot sa guerre remprise ; 111 

Avec lui ot sa seror Anfelise . . . 

Tiebauz descent et ses oncles li rois . . . 

" Ha las, pechierre ! com set f emme engignier ! 
Guibors et ceste me vouront essillier, 
Moi et mon oncle de la terre chacier." c 

{Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 702, 840, 4577) 

a And on the other hand Tibaut equipped himself, / And Desrame 
went close beside him ; / He was his nephew, therefore he relied 
upon him more. 

b Huidelon comes forward and Escorf aut his nephew. 

c The King of Cordes had besieged Orange ; / His nephew Tibaut 

had resumed the war ; / With him he had his sister Anfelise / 

Tibaut descends, and his uncle the king. . . . / ' ' Alas ! Miserable 
me ! How doth woman know how to use deceit ! / Guibore and this 
woman will want to ruin me, / Drive me and my uncle from the 
land." 

m The ms. reads Cordres and nies, as Professor Weeks has 
verified. 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 181 

Le chastelain avoit nom Grimouart; 
Nyez est Aiquin qui vis a de lepart; 
Moult est cruel et de moult male part; 
Oveeques luy est ung sien cousin Girart, 
Et Cherion, et son niez Avisart, 
Et Flourion et son nies Acrochart. a 
(Acquin, 1293) 

Mes Guiteclins sospire dou cuer desoz Paissele, 
Qant voit le neveu Karle, tot son duel renovele; 
Baudamas son neveu isn element apele; 
Fiz est de sa seror Odierne la bele. b 
(Saisnes, CIII, 18) 

Si les conduisit li nies a Famire. 
Ludaire ot nom, molt fu jentis et ber; 
Devant Nerbone ot este adobes; 
Li amiraus le tenoit en cierte. c 
(Gerbert de Mes, 440, 94) 

E soun neveu Graunder un autre destrer mounta . . . 
Apres sun oncle Bradmund Graunder esporuna. 
Bradmund fu ale devaunt, sun neveu va derere. d 
(Boeve de Haumtone, 1178, 1181) 

a The master was named Grimouart ; / Nephew is he to Acquin 
of the leopard face ; / Full cruel is he and of evil parts ; / With 
him is his cousin Girart, / And Clarion, and his nephew Avisart, / 
And Florian and his nephew Acrochart. 

b But Guiteclin sighs in his heart beneath his armpit ; / When 
he sees the nephew of Charles, he renews all his grief ; / Baudamas 
his nephew he quickly calls; /He is the son of his sister, Odierne 
the beautiful. 

c And the nephew of the Emir led them. / Ludaire was his name, 
very noble and brave was he; /He had been knighted at Nar- 
bonne ; / The Emir held him dear. 

a And his nephew Graunder mounted another steed / After his 

uncle Bradmund Graunder spurred. / Bradmund had gone ahead, 
his nephew goes behind. 



182 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

As estres de la tour estes vous Garsion 
Et Solimant de Nique, son neveu Rubion. a 
(Chanson d'Antioche, III, 869) 

There are occasional, but infrequent quarrels and instances 
of bad faith or harsh treatment among the Saracen as well as 
among the French uncles and nephews. Baldus is ill received 
by his uncle Judas on account of his apostacy, yet the nephew 
has a certain amount of influence with him still: 

Prumiere chose que Judas respondie, 

I li a dit : " Honques ne f us mes nies." b 

(Prise de Cordres, 2366 ft) 

Escorfaut leads the French to the stronghold of Maudrane, and 
speaks of his nephew Emaudras, of his trickery and craft, and 
threatens to kill him if he will not surrender: 

" On l'apele Maudrane," Escorfaut respondi, 
" Si la tient Emaudras, .i. cuivers maleis ; 

II fu de ma serour nez et angenois." c 

(Gui de Bourgogne, 3476) 

There is a violent quarrel between Tibaut and his uncle Des- 
rame, who says: 

" G'irai derrieres, que mon nies m'a rete 
De coardise, voiant tot mon barne." d 
(Foucon, 4833) 

Acquin has escaped the pursuit of the French, leaving his 
nephew Doret to shift for himself; the latter is angry, and in- 
veighs against his uncle: 

a At the parapets of the tower behold Garsion / And Soliman of 
Nicaea, his nephew Eubion. 

b The first thing that Judas replied, / He said to him: {t Never 
wert thou my nephew. " 

c ' ' They call it Maudrane, ' ' Escorfaut replied, / ' ' And Emau- 
dras holds it, an accursed wretch ; / He was born and conceived of 
my sister. ' ; 

a i ' I will go back, for my nephew has accused me / Of cowardice, 
in the sight of all my army. " 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 183 

"Alas!" dist il, "cousin desbarate, 
Et qui s'en est par haulte mer tourne, 
Ne vivre mes en paix en eest regne, 
Quant eil me fault par qui g'estoye aye." . . . 
" Ja en Bretaigne n'en auray poeste, 
Quant de mon oncle suy enxin degreppe." a 
(Acquin, 2548, 2554) 

At the conclusion of a disagreement between Tatice (Tatixos) 
and his uncle, the former cries: 

" Mon oncle trai m'a, 
Li cuivers empereres qui sa foi menti a. 
Dame Diex le maudie qui le mont estora." b 
(Chanson d'Antioche, II, 477) 

The feelings of the Saracen uncle, on seeing or learning of 
the death of his nephew in battle, are as deeply affected as 
those of the French uncle; he faints and laments and gives way 
to his emotion in the same way; if there is any difference at all, 
it is that the poet gives much less space to the grief of the 
pagan uncle, and treats it with a degree less of sympathy : 

Li nies Marsilie, il ad num Aelrot, 

Tut premereins chevalchet devant l'ost . . . 

Asez ad doel quant vit mort sun nevuld. c 
(Roland, 1188, 1219) 

a ' ' Alas ! ' ' said he, ' ' discomfited cousin, / Who has withdrawn 
over the high seas, / Nevermore shall I live in peace in this 
realm, / When he fails me by whom I was aided. . . . / Indeed, I 
shall have no power in Brittany, / When by my uncle I am thus 
forsaken. ' } 

b * ' My uncle has betrayed me, / The wretched emperor who ha3 
belied his faith. / May the Lord God curse him, who established 
the worlds ' 

c The nephew of Marsile (his name is Aelrot) / Rides first 
before the army. . . . / Much grief he feels, when he saw his 
nephew dead. 



184 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

"Vostre nies est ocis, qui le courage ot tier." 
Quant le voit l'amirans, n'i ot que courecier; 
.iiii. fois se pasnia sor son escu d'ormier. 
Moult s'est haut escries, quant vint au redrecier: 
" Ahi ! nies Clarion, tant vous avoie ehier." a 
(Fierabras, 4229) 

" Perdu i ai Maprin, mon neveu le guerrier ! " b 
(Gaufrey, 8858) 

" Perdu as Escorf an, le fiz de ta serour." c 
(Floovant, 595) 

Pris est sis nies, Clargis qu'il aimoit tant. 
Con i Pantant, si demena duel grant. d 
(Narbonnais, 7589) 

But the mere lament is not all: it is the duty of the uncle 
or the nephew to avenge the death of the other, and we find 
a great many passages in which he either threatens or attempts 
vengeance; we might imagine these passages, if seen detached 
from the connection, to apply to the French, were it not for 
the uncouth pagan names and for the fact that usually satis- 
faction is not received by the avenger — he only loses his own 
life in addition. In the battle at Morligane, Ansei's kills the 
aumachor hi tenoit d'Inde le rikeche et Vonor e and the poet 
adds directly that Guis ochist le fil de sa seror f (Anse'is de Car- 
tage, 2771, 2775). In Gaufrey, the pagan Faradin, nephew of 
Nasier, is killed by Robastre ; the uncle swears vengeance : Mes, 

a ' ' Your nephew is slain, who was strong-hearted. ' ' / When the 
Emir sees him, he could not but grieve ; / Four times he swooned 
upon his shield of pure gold, / Loudly he cried, when he came to 
rise : / " Ah, nephew Clarion, so dear I held you ! ' ' 
b ' e I have lost Maprin, my nephew the warrior. ' ' 
c ' ' Thou hast lost Escorf ant, thy sister *s son. ' ' 
3 Captured is his nephew Clargis, whom he loved so much. / When 
he hears this, he gave way to great grief, 

e Emir who held the power and the land of India, 
f And G'ui slew his sister 's son. 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 185 

foi que doi Mdhom, chier sera comperee; a he has a long com- 
bat with Robastre, but is himself killed (3181 ft.). 

Glorians Fapela, si Paresonne: 

" Vassal, per Mahommet ! vous aves mal ouvre. 

Mon neveu m'as oehis, comment fus si ose? 

Ch'estoit .1. des meillors de la paiennete; 

Mes par temps te sera moult chier guerredonne." . . . 

" Le bon roi des Danois, mon neveu, m'a tue 
Quant a Vauclere fu par forche marie; 
Or le deliverroi son oncle Faussabre, 
Et au frere Amandon le fort roi areste; 
Si en prendront venjanche tout a lor volente." b 
{Gaufreij, 1493, 1514) 

" Mes Do nous a moult plus que n'a Garins greve, 
II ochist mon neveu le Danois alose, 
A Peure que il fu sus FAubigant ale." 
" Mahom ! est che cheli," chen respont Machabre, 
" Qui ochist mon neveu que tant avoie ame? " c 
{Gaufrey, 1574) 

" Or voeil vengier mon oncle et son barne." d 
{Aliscans, ed Halle, 6836) 

a But, by the allegiance which I owe Mahomet, dearly will it. 
be avenged. 

bGloriant called him and addressed him: /"Noble youth, you 
have wrought ill. / Thou hast slain my nephew, (how wert thou so 
daring?) /Who was one of the best in pagandom. / But in time 
it will be requited thee dearly. / The good king of the Danes, my 
nephew, he killed / When he was harassed by a troop at Vauclere ; / 
Now I will deliver him to his uncle Faussabre, / And to the brother 
of Amandon, the powerf ul, determined king ; / And they will take 
vengeance upon him at their pleasure. ,, 

c"But Doon much more than Grarin has injured us; /He slew 
my nephew the honored Dane, / At the hour when he went against 
the Aubigant. ' ' / ' f Mahomet ! Is that he, ' ' replies Machabre, /' 
"Who slew my nephew whom I had loved so much? ,, 

a ' l Now I want to avenge my uncle and his barons. ' ' 



186 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Molt menace Guillaume le conte poigneor, 
Et dit quil li a mort le fil de sa seror. 
Encor Fen oecirra a son brane de color, 
Se ne li rent sa terre, qui fu son ancessor.* 
{Foucon, ed. Tarbe, p. 86) 

" Mais tu m'es mort mon nevot Aucibier." 
" Voir dites, sire," Aymers respondie, 
" Je li copai a m'espee lou chief. 
Que fais, paiens? panse de Pesploitier, 
Ans de vengence ne f us mais si aissies." b 
{Prise de Cordres, 223) 

Quant Jossiens voit mort Salatre son neveu, 
Le cors en .ii. moities, ne peut muer ne plor : 
" Mahon et Apolin, mal dehet aies vous ! 
S'or ne faites justiche del quiver dolerous, 
Qui m'a mort devant moi le fil de ma seror, 
Le f er de ceste lance vous metrai el cors tout." c 
(Elie, 448) 

Par desor l'iaume fiert un Amoravi, 
Qui tint Biterne et Pampelune ausi. 
cors li mist le fort espie forbi. 
Devant son oncle le vellart Aupatri 
L'a gite mort o pandant d'un larri. 

a Much does the warrior count threaten Guillaume, / And he says 
that he has killed his sister 's son. / He will yet slay him with 
his colored blade, / If he surrenders him not his land, which 
belonged to his grandfather. 

b ( l But thou hast slain me my nephew Aucibier. "/ " You speak 
truly, sir, ' ' Aymer replied, / ' e I cut off his head with my sword. / 
What dost thou, pagan? Take care to make haste, /Never wert 
thou so within reach of vengeance." 

c When Jossien sees Salatre his nephew dead, / His body in two 
halves, he cannot help but weep : / " Mahomet and Apollin, mis- 
fortune be upon you ! / If now you take not judgment upon the 
sorry wretch, / The steel of this lance I shall put full into your 
l)ody. ' ' 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 187 

Grant duel an font sa gent et si ami. 
" Nies," dist ses oncles, " con ai le cuer marri ! 
Se ne vos vanche, bien doi estre honi ! " a 
(Narbonnais, 6147) 

Quant Solhnans le voit de doel prist a fremir; 
" Biaus nies/' dist li soudans, " com vous i voi morir ! 
Se ne vous puis vangier ne doi terre tenir." b 112 
{Chanson d'Antioche, III, 110) 

"Bi va sus Kallemaine, qui vous ochist Bremant, 
Ton oncle le gentil, a l'adure talent." c 
{Gaufrey, 1124) 

Many of the most exciting combats in the French epic are 
undertaken in an attempt to avenge the death of uncle or 
nephew on one side or the other, and in this respect the poet 
readily acknowledges the bravery of the foreigner, even though 
he is usually worsted at the end. In Jourdains de Blaivies, 
the Saracens are at war with King Mark, and when one of the 
latter's men is killed, moult en peza son neveu Elyot, 6 - who 
immediately slays the offender (1655). During the combat 
with Roland, Otinel, whose anger is at white heat, cries to him : 
La mort mon oncle Fernagu te demant e (Otinel, 420). As we 

a Upon the helm he strikes an Amoravi, / Who held Biterne 
and Pampelune also. / Into his body he put his stout burnished 
spear. / Before his uncle, the old Aupatri, / He struck him dead, 
on the slope of a fallow field. / His people and his friends exhibit 
great grief. / ■ ' Nephew, ' ' said his uncle, ' ' how sorry is my 
heart! / If I avenge you not, indeed I must be shamed! " 

b When Solimant sees him, he began to quiver with grief ; / 
"Fair nephew,' * said the Sultan, "how I see you dying there! / 
If I cannot avenge you, I must not hold my land." 

c ' ' And go at Charlemagne, who slew Bremant, / Your well-born 
uncle, of the practised will." 

a It oppressed much his nephew Elyot. 

e The death of my uncle Fernagu I require of you. 

112 The text reads doit. 



188 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

have seen, Bradnmnd and his nephew Graunder pursue the 
escaping Bovon together, and when the former is killed, 
Graunder undertakes to avenge him : 

En haut se eserie, "Boefs, entendez, 
Einz ke jeo mangue en haut pendu serrez." a 
(Boeve de Haumtone, 1215) 

Desier of Pavia goes on an expedition against Basin, who, as 
he says: Mon oncle ocist, que favoie tant chier h (Auberi, ed. 
Tarbe, p. 8). When Salazin finds his uncle wounded, he vows 
vengeance, crying: 

u C'est du neveus Guillaume, a qui Orenge apent, 
Par Mahomet mon Dieu, j'en panrai vengement." c 
(Foucon, ed. Tarbe, p. 94) 

Et respont l'amirans : " Mahomet te maudie ! 
Que tu resambles bien Richart de Normendie, 
Cil qui m'ochist Corsuble et mon oncle Mautrie. 
Pleust a Mahomet que jou ci le tenisse; 
Ne mengeroie mais tant com seroit en vie." a 
(Fierabras, 2612) 

A tant es vous le fort roi Synagon. 
Quant il voit mort son oncle, a tel dolor, 
Par mautalent fiert Girart de Dijon, 
Cousin le roi de France le roion. e 
(Montage Guillaume, 4247) 

a Aloud lie cries, " Bovon, listen, / Before I eat, you shall be 
hung up ! ' ' 

b Slew my uncle, whom I held so dear. 

c ll It is on the nephew of Guillaume, to whom Orange belongs, / 
By Mahomet my God, I shall take vengeance for it. " 

d And the Emir replies : ' ' Mahomet curse thee ! / For thou 
resemblest much Eichard of Normandy, / The one who slew Cor- 
suble and my uncle Mautrie. / Would to Mahomet that I had him 
here ; / 1 would not eat as long as he should live. ' ' 

e Lo, the powerful King Synagon. / When he sees his uncle 
dead, he feels such grief, / In anger he strikes Girart of Dijon, / 
Cousin to the King of France the realm. 



STYLISTIC TBEATMENT IN THE POEMS 189 

When Garin tries to purchase his release after being captured 
by the Saracens, the pagan Cadort refuses to accept any com- 
pensation, and insists upon having Vivien as hostage: 

la nen aura son argent ne son or 
Mais Vivien son chier fil au gent cors : 
" Qar son ancestre a mon lignage mort 
Chaf aut mon pere et mon oncle Sadort." a 
(Enfances Vivien, 25) 

The pagan threatens Vivien with divers tortures in revenge for 
what the latter's grandfather did: 

" Encor me mambre de mon pere Chauf art 
Et de mon oncle Faimiralt Golias." b 
(Enfances Vivien, 509) 

In one very unusual instance, the nephew does not even attempt 
to carry on the blood-feud, but pardons the death of his uncle; 
this is the pagan Karaheu, who is represented always as of a 
very high type of character: 

Tost a Frangois la f aite pardonee 
Qui ont ocis ses oncles e son pere. c 
(Chevalerie Ogier, 2276) 

In Guibert d'Andrenas, Aymeri liberates Baudus, whom he has 
just captured, on condition that he shall deliver up to him his 
uncle Judas; Baudus sends a messenger ahead to his uncle to 
announce the misfortune: 

Gil est monte, n'i a plus atendu. 
A Andernas va lo chemin batu. 

a He will not have his silver nor his gold, / But Vivien, his dear 
son, fair of form : / " For his grandfather killed my family, / 
Chaf aut my father, and my uncle Sadort. " 

b " I still remember my father Chauf art, / And my uncle the 
Emir Golias." 

e He straightway pardoned the French, / Who slew his uncles and 
his father. 



190 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Treuve Judas, lo fort roi mescreii, 
Conte li a et tot reconneii, 
Comment il est son neveu avenu. 
Judas Poi, grant duel en a eii. 
II a jure Mahomet et Cahu, 
Se il puet tenir Aymeri lo chanu, 
Ne lo garra toz li or qui ainz fu. a 

(ms. Brit. Mus., Bib. Reg., 20 B XIX, 157 v°) 

Then Judas goes out to meet his nephew, and swears anew to 
avenge him. Thus among the foreigners the duty of ven- 
geance very plainly devolves upon uncle and nephew. 

Such a view of the solidarity between the Saracen uncles 
and nephews has all the more meaning when we consider how 
slight is the bond between father and son, father and daughter, 
and husband and wife. With the citations above may be com- 
pared the passages in Aliscans in which Renoart and his father 
are represented as fighting, hurling vituperation at each other, 
and seemingly lusting for the blood of their kin; 113 the read- 
iness with which the pagans in Roland offer their sons as hos- 
tages, knowing that their speedy death is assured ; 114 and the 
frequent betrayal of the father or the husband for the sake 
of the new French lover to whom the pagan daughter or wife 
takes a sudden fancy. Esclarmonde betrays her father Gau- 
disse in Huon de Bordeaux; Floripas demands the death of her 
father, the amiral Balan, in Fierabras, in order that she may 
depart with her lover, Gui de Bourgogne; Orable forsakes her 

a He mounted, and waited no longer. / To Andernas he goes 
along the beaten road. / He finds Judas, the powerful pagan 
king, / Eelated and confessed all to him, / How it has gone with 
his nephew. / Judas heard him, and felt great grief. / He swore by 
Mahomet and Cahu, / If he can hold Aymeri the hoary, / Not all 
the gold that ever was will preserve him. 

us Aliscans, ed. Jonckbloet, 6045, 6122, 6322; cf. also the epi- 
sode from the Bataille Loquifer where Rainouart has the head of 
his father hung upon a pillar, cited by Runeberg, p. 86. 

il* Roland, 42 ; 54; cf. also the Couronnement Louis, 486. 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 191 

husband Tibaut and embraces both Christianity and a new 
husband by marrying Guillaume, in the Prise d'Orenge; while 
Sebile, in the Chanson des Saisnes, is perhaps the most extreme 
type of the wanton wife. The poet apparently delights in sev- 
ering the family ties of the enemy, yet withal, the bond between 
uncle and nephew is not impaired. The precept by which 
these fickle women are guided is formulated in one passage : 

Bien aves oi dire et as uns et as autres, 
Que feme aime tost home qui bien fiert en bataille.* 
(Aiol, 5596) 

(j) Family of Traitors 

In general the poetic treatment of the race of traitors is even 
more harsh than that of the pagans, yet here too the same 
solidarity is seen between uncle and nephew; it must be ad- 
mitted, however, that the resentment of the poet against these 
traitors is deeper than against the Saracens, since he ascribes 
to them less magnanimity, more deceit and untrustworthiness, 
even in their dealings with one another. Still, the mutual de- 
pendence between uncle and nephew is marked, the same emo- 
tion appears in the presence of death, and the same view of 
the blood-feud is taken. As among the pagans, there are 
nephews galore, many of whom seem to be introduced into the 
poem for no other purpose than to increase the dramatis per- 
sonae, if the theory is not accepted that the name i nephew' 
offered to our mediaeval poets a concrete image of the closest 
type of family relations. In the twelfth century the legend of 
the 'Roland, which makes Ganelon closely related to the Em- 
peror, was disregarded, and Grifon d'Hautefeuille was taken 
for the founder of the family, the father of Ganelon, while a 
numerous progeny was invented for literary purposes by the 
poets, in accordance with the mediaeval notions of hereditary 

a Indeed you have heard one and another say, / That woman 
loves straightway a man who strikes hard in battle. 



192 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

virtue and vice. 115 If we consider only the frequency with 
which nephews are introduced into the poems, the branches of 
this family txee would appear to be occupied by them to the ex- 
clusion of sons. A previous writer has called attention to the 
predilection of the poets for making any arch traitor a nephew 
of G-anelon : " Die Stellung als Nefife des Ganelon war iiber- 
haupt bei den jongleurs am beliebtesten, wenn es gait, einen 
Verrater als den leiblichen und somit auch als den geistigen 
Nachkommen Ganelon's zu kennzeichnen. " 116 The relation- 
ship varies with the different poems, but each one is perfectly 
consistent in itself. A few salient examples of the various 
phases of the question must, as heretofore, suffice, since no new 
information is brought out by the poetical treatment of the 
race of traitors. 

When Ganelon starts on his mission to Spain, we are told 
that Uestreu li tint sis uncles Guinemers 3 - (Roland, 348) ; this 
is the only mention of Guinemer. Ganelon is connected with 
his various nephews in one way or another: Et s'i est Ganelon 
et dant TLardre ses nies h (Gui de Bourgogne, 1086) ; Cil sont 
fil Pinabel et neveu Ganelon c ( Aye d' Avignon, 152) ; at the 
court of Charlemagne: 

.1. damoisel i ot, Hervieu l'apeloit on, 
Fix f u de la seror au cuvert Guenelon . . . 

" Hervieu," dist Amalgre, " je vous ai forment chier, 
Nous sommes d ? un lignage et merveilleus et fier, 
En Guenelon nostre oncle ot moult bon chevalier." d 
(Gui de Nanteuil, 197, 231) 

a His uncle Guinemer held the stirrup for him. 

b And Ganelon and Sir Hardre his nephew are there. 

c They are sons to Pinabel and nephews to Ganelon. 

a A youth was there, Hervieu they called him, / He was the 

sister 's son of the wretch Ganelon / " Hervieu, ' ' said Amalgre, 

"I hold you very dear; /We are of a race both marvellous and 
bold ; / In Ganelon our uncle there was a very good knight. ' ' 

us Cf. Gaston Paris, Histoire Poetique, p. 413. 
i 16 Sauerland, Ganelon und sein Gesclilecht, p. 10. 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 193 

When Auboin, on striking Gamier with a club, is rebuked by 
the Emperor, he expresses his willingness to go to hell, where he 
will be in agreeable company with his uncle Ganelon : 

" Se je vois en enfer, selon m'entencion, 
Je trouverai laiens mon oncle Ganelon, 
Pinabel de Sorence, et mon parent Guion ; 
Nous seron moult grant geste en cele region. " a 
(Aye d' Avignon, 704) 

Amauguin disputes with Charlemagne over the possession of 
Aye, claiming the emperor's previous agreement to give her to 
his uncle Berenger : Car la fame est mon oncle, et donnee li fu b 
{Aye, 134), and it is Amauguin who announces to his uncle that 
his plan to marry Aye has failed {Aye, 93). The King at- 
taches Hervieu to the line of traitors: 

" Vous estez du lignage ou moult a de felon ; 
Assez le fist ja pis vostre oncle Guenelon." c 
(Gui de Nanteuil, 366) 

Ganelon and Hardre are mentioned together: 

Atant se sunt drecie Guenelons et Hardres. 
Cis Sires les maudie qui le mont a crie ! 
Puis ne fu que .III. ans, ce dist on par verte, 
Qu'il trairent les pers comme felon prouve, 
Dont puis i moururent a doel et a viute. d 
(Fierabras, 292) 

a ' ' If I go to hell, according to my opinion, / 1 shall find there 
my uncle Ganelon, / Pinabel de Sorence, and my relative Gui;/ 
We shall be a large family in that region." 

t> For the woman is my uncle 's, and was given to him. 

c < ' You are of the line in which there are many knaves ; / Full 
worse did your uncle Ganelon conduct himself." 

a At once Ganelon and Hardre arose. / May the Lord curse them, 

who created the world;! /It was only three years afterwards, so 

they say forsooth, / That they betrayed the peers, like perfect 

knaves, / For which they died later in suffering and in abjectness. 

14 



194 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Hervieu and Amalgre plot together against Gui : 

"Seignors," che dist Hervieu, "barons, conseilliez m'ent; 
Nous sommes tuit neveu et cousin et parent." a 
(Gui de Nanteuil, 581) 

The barons beg Charlemagne not to engage in a combat with 
Doon, because they are related : 

" Quer si cousin tuit sommes et de son parente, 
De par Guion son pere et son oncle Fainsne." b 
{Boon de Mayence, 6744) 

In fighting with the Lorrains Fromondin will not abandon his 
uncle Guillaume de Monclin: 

Et li preus Fromondins 
Qui ne vialt mie son chier oncle guerpir; 
Forment s'i fie, molt le tient por ami. c 
(Mort Gavin, 4006) 

The Emperor requires hostages of Amaury and Huon, who 
tell conflicting stories as to the killing of his son Chariot, and 
the traitor Amaury offers an uncle and a cousin: 

"Livres ostaiges," dist Karles, "Amauris." 
" Sire, ves la et Rainf roi et Henri ; 
L'uns est mes oncles et l'autres mes cosins." d 
(Huon de Bordeaux, 1441) 

When Charlemagne wishes to give Eglantine to Hervieu for 
wife, she objects, alleging his relationship to Ganelon as her 
reason : 

a "My lords," thus spoke Hervieu, "barons, counsel me about 
it ; / We are all nephews and cousins and relatives. ' ' 

t> ' l For we are all his cousins and his kin, / Through Gui his 
father, and his uncle, the eldest born. " 

c And the doughty Fromondin, / Who is all unwilling to abandon 
his dear uncle ; / Greatly he relies upon him, and counts him his 
friend. 

a ' ' Give hostages, ' ' said Charles, ' ' Amaury. ' ' / ( ' Sire, behold 
both Kainf roi and Henri ; / One is my uncle and the other my 
cousin. ' ' 



STYLISTIC TREATMENT IN THE POEMS 195 

" Sire," dist la pucele, " lessies m'a vous parler ; 
Guenelon fu ses onclez, ne le puet nus cheler, 
De la mort de mon frere n'ai je soig d'acorder, 
Ne d'Enguelier mon oncle qui tant fist a loer." a 
{Gui de Nanteuil, 801) 

The examples of feuds and vengeance on behalf of the uncle or 
the nephew are many; Aiol gets into a quarrel with Makaire 
and kills a nephew of the latter who intervenes, whereupon 
Makaire calls upon his other nephews to avenge this murder; 

Uns des neveus Makaire i est ales; 
Fieus fu de sa seror, chVi eonter . . . 
" Ou estes vos," dist il, mes parentes? 
Vos qui de moi tenes bours et chites, 
Dont n'aves vous veii cest avole, 
Qui mon neveu m'a mort et afole 
Et a mes ieus voiant l'a chi tue? " b 
{Aiol, 4402, 4430) 

When the nephews take up the feud, Makaire is thrown into 
prison : 

" Con nous somes trestout honi et vergongie, 
Par un glouton estrainge cline et abaisie. 
Car par lui est mes oncles en cartre trebuchies "... 
Et por chou est Makaires lor oncles en prison, 
Che furent si neveu et de sa norichon. c 
{Aiol, 4619, 7203) 

a "Sire," said the maid, "let me speak to you;/Ganelon was 
his uncle, none can conceal it. / For the death of my brother I 
have no desire to be reconciled, / Nor for Enguelier my uncle, who 
deserved so much praise. " 

b One of the nephews of Makaire went there ; / His sister ? s son 
was he, as I have heard tell. . . . / " Where are you, ' ' said he, 
"my kin? /You who through me hold towns and cities, / Then did 
you not see this stranger, / Who has killed and abused my nephew, / 
And here before my eyes has slain himf " 

c ' ' How we are all shamed and disgraced, / By a strange knave, 



196 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Renars de Poitiers, .i. traitor, qui Deus doinst encombrier* 
complains to the King that : 

"Icil Garins, dont vous m'oiez plaidier, 
Ocist mon onele a Pespee d'acier. 
Par eel Apostre, que requierent paumier, 
Quant ne me puis de lor pere vangier, 
Li fil por lui si le comparront chier." b 
(Girart de Yienne, p. 22) 

Froniont kills Girart, but the blood-feud is only a pretence to 
get his property ; however, it is a valid excuse, as he states it : 

" Fiuls f u Ami au vaillant chevalier 
C'ocist mon onele Hardre le droiturier 
En la bataille por Amile le fier; 
Por ce puis bien la guerre encommencier "... 

" Mes oncles iert, s'en sui f orment iriez "... 

" C'est por mon onele le prou conte Hardre 
Qu'Amis ocist desouz Paris enz pres. 
Mes oncles iert, si m'en doit molt peser." c 
(Jourdains, 76, 98, 224) 

low and degraded, / For by him is my uncle cast into prison. ' ' . . . 
/ And for this is Makaire their uncle in prison, / That they were 
his nephews, and reared by him. 

a A traitor, to whom may G'od give ill. 

b ' ' This Garin, of whom you hear me speak, / Slew my uncle 
with his sword of steel. / By that Apostle, whom palmers seek, / 
If I cannot take vengeance on their father, / The sons for him 
will dearly atone for it. ' ' 

c ' ' He was the son of Ami the valiant knight, / Who slew my 
uncle Hardre the upright, / In the battle for Amile the bold ; / For 
this I can well begin the fight. ' ' . . . / My uncle was he, and I am 
deeply grieved. " . . . / " It is for my uncle the brave Hardre, / 
Whom Ami slew in the meadows near Paris. / He was my uncle, 
and it must weigh heavy upon me. ' ' 



STYLISTIC TKEATMENT IN THE POEMS 197 

When Fromont is conquered by Jourdain, the son of Girart, 
mercy is shown to all except Fromont and his nephew : 

Ne inais Foueart, que il fist bien serrer, 
Neveu Fromont, cui Dex puist bien craventer, 
Et les douz sers, dont oi'stez parler . . . 

A un roncin ont Fromont atele, 
Si le trai'nnent contreval la cite, 
Et son neveu ont aprez trainne. a 
(Jourdains, 4085, 4123) 

In Garin, Fromont appeals to Odon to take vengeance for the 
death of his father, the latter's uncle : 

" Que dou roi suis par mautalent partis 
Et de Garin de Mez, le fil Hervi, 
Qui m'a mon pere destranchie et ocis, 
II et ses nies d'Orlenois Hernai's. 
Mors est mes peres, dont j'ai le cuer marri, 
Vostres ehiers oncles qui souef vous norri." b 
{Garin, I, 146) 11T 

a Except Foueart, whom he had confined, / Nephew to Fromont, 
whom may God overwhelm, / And the two servants, of whom you 
heard me speak. / They tied Fromont to a beast of burden, / And 
they drag him down through the city, / And his nephew they 
dragged after him. 

t> ' ' From the King I am separated by ill-will, / And from Garin 
de Metz, the son of Hervi, / Who hacked and slew my father, / 
He and his nephew Hernai's d'Orlenois. / Dead is my father, 
wherefore my heart is oppressed, / Your dear uncle who gently 
reared you." 

ii7 For an alphabetical list of the traitors in the various 
Chansons, see Sauerland. 



CHAPTER IV 

The Sister's Son 
(a) In the Chansons de Geste 

Thus far, in analyzing the poetic attributes of the uncle and 
nephew relationship, we have made no distinction between the 
paternal and the maternal side of the family. However, not 
only do the poets introduce the nephew in general as an im- 
portant element of the epic story, but in the majority of cases 
they take particular pains to characterize him as the sister's 
son; if they do not do this in all cases when not prevented by 
the exigencies of the verse, it is probably because the original 
reason for the introduction of the nephew is lost sight of, and 
they are affected by the state of society of their own times, in 
which the family consists of father, mother, and children, 
while the children of the brother are on the same footing as 
those of the sister in all save perhaps a sentimental relation. 
The fact that the sister's son does have especial prominence in 
the French epic shows that as a tradition at least the connec- 
tion between uncle and sister's son implies first great natural 
affection and second particularly close intimacy. Furthermore, 
it is the relations between these two that give the epic its human 
or dramatic interest; if the epic element of the Chanson de 
Eoland has for its fundamental idea the battle of Roncevaux 
and its national consequences, the centre of gravity of the 
human interest lies in Roland and in the attitude of his uncle 
towards him — and Charlemagne, as the poet shows, is the 
maternal uncle of Roland. The same thing is true of other 
poems: the epic and dramatic interest are entirely different, 
and the dramatic element each time centres about an uncle and 
a sister's son. The Saxon war is one element of the Chanson 
des Saisnes, and the other has to do with the love adventures 

198 



THE SISTEE'S SON 199 

of Baudoin, the interest of Charlemagne in him, and his attempt 
to secure his nephew in his position of ruler over the con- 
quered race. The efforts of the hero of Anse'is de Cartage to 
subdue the inhabitants of his allotted fief yield their place as 
the main element of the poem towards the end of the story to 
the efforts of Anseis to secure help from the Emperor; and 
although Charlemagne's influence is seen only at the beginning 
and at the end of the poem, yet all through it in the mixture of 
love, intrigue, and battles, Anseis is the central figure. In Gui 
de Bourgogne, the martial element predominates, and although 
the Emperor and Gui are not working hand in hand at all times, 
nevertheless the influence of one upon the other unconsciously 
fills the poem. Now all these heroes are sister's sons of Char- 
lemagne, according to the poetic legend, and in each case their 
fortunes and their relations' with the uncle form the very sum 
and substance of the drama. Since the relations between the 
Emperor and these four nephews fall essentially into the same 
categories, as shown in the preceding chapter, we might be will- 
ing to accept the theory long ago promulgated that all this is 
due to the influence of the Roland, were it not true that all the 
details of these relations are found in other literatures, in his- 
tory, and in primitive societies, so that it is plain that the reason 
for this glorification of the sister's son is to be sought farther 
back than mediaeval literature, or indeed literature at all, can 
reach, and that its appearance as an epic theme in the Chan- 
sons de Geste is only a manifestation of what was once a basic 
element of family life in the earliest stages of society, an ele- 
ment which comes down to the Middle Ages in the form of a 
tradition so well-established or rather so persistent that it be- 
comes one of the predominant elements of the French epic. 

These sister's sons may be roughly divided into three groups, 
according to their importance as a part of the story of the 
poem. The first group will consist of those who are protag- 
onists, around whose adventures revolves the human interest of 
the entire plot; in this group are included the four nephews of 
Charlemagne mentioned above, Roland, Baudoin, Anseis and 



200 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Gui. Here is to be placed Guillaunie's nephew Vivien also, for 
in those poems of the Guillaume cycle in which he appears, his 
clinging trust in his uncle, the latter's heroic endeavor to succor 
him, and his ultimate fate and its effect upon Guillaume, form 
the main element of the story. 118 

The second group consists of those sister's sons whose con- 
nection with an uncle forms an integral part of the story, with- 
out detracting from the martial, that is, the epic interest. Here 
are to be placed Ogier, the sister's son of Naimon, Raoul de 
Cambrai, who bears the same relation to King Louis, Foucon, 
the nephew of Vivien, Gascelin, in Auberi le Bourgoing, Aiol, 
the nephew of Louis, and others. 

The third group is very large, in which the nephews are intro- 
duced by the poet without much characterization ; however, it is 
significant that he finds it necessary to indicate them at all as 
sister's sons, since so many of them do not affect the develop- 
ment of the story in any way whatever; the only reason then 
for their being brought thus carefully before the audience in 
their quality of sister's sons seems to be that thereby the poet 
makes an esoteric appeal to the sympathy of the audience and 
thus creates a factitious interest which the character himself 
does not arouse. In this group come many of the Saracens, 
traitors, a few more nephews of Charlemagne and of Guillaume, 
and a large number among whom neither uncle nor nephew is 
of any special interest to us modern readers. Those cases where 
the poet does not specifically characterize the nephew as a sis- 
ter's son must for the purpose of this chapter be disregarded, 
although their study has served to reveal more fully the various 
general points of contact between uncle and nephew considered 
in a previous chapter. To restate a point already indicated: 
the poet does not realize the fundamental principle of the sur- 
vival of which he feels the influence, otherwise when adapting 
the role of the sister's son to poetic purposes he would not allow 

us The confusion in the legend which makes Vivien sometimes a 
brother's son of Guillaume is discussed on page 209; see also 
page 66 ff. 



THE SISTEE'S SON 201 

himself to be affected by actual conditions at the time of com- 
position to the extent of allotting- the same part to the brother's 
son. It is like some modern applications of old customs which 
long ago passed away in fact, and remain now only as more or 
less intelligible traditions adapted to modern environment. It 
appears then that while the general term ' nephew ' has to the 
poet of the Middle Ages an especial significance, that of ' sis- 
ter's son' implies a still closer connection. Two questions 
confront us here, why this is so, and how the poet makes it 
apparent. To answer the former it is necessary to go outside 
the field of the French epic, so that it seems best to consider 
the latter first, for which an intensive study of our texts 
suffices. 

As is well known, Roland is the nephew of Charlemagne 
who receives the most attention at the hands of the poets; it 
is significant that his father is not once mentioned in the 
Chanson de Boland and that it is only the fact of his being 
sister's son to Charlemagne that counts. In the other poems his 
parentage varies; though his father is now one person, now 
another, and though his mother's name is not always the same, 
his relationship to the Emperor is constant. The identification 
is made each time without comment, and it is only by follow- 
ing the course of the story that we perceive the inner meaning 
of the term ' sister's son.' It has seemed best to group such 
passages, as well as similar identifications of other nephews, in 
an Appendix, and to discuss here only those passages which 
make a distinct reference to the prominent position of the 
sister's son. 

As a last argument against being sent to Spain as the 
Emperor's messenger, Ganelon makes use of his relationship 
to Charlemagne; he has married the Emperor's sister — 
Roland's mother — and by her has a son, Baudoin, whom he 
commends to the care of the uncle: 

" En Sarraguce sai bien qu'aler m'estoet : 
Hum ki la vait rep airier ne s'en poet. 
Ensurquetut si ai jo vostre soer. 



202 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Si 'n ai un filz, ja plus bels n'en estoet : 
C'est Baldewins, se vit, ki ert prozdoem. 
A lui lais jo mes honurs e mes fieus. 
Guardez le bien, 3 a ne 1' verrai des oilz." a 
{Chanson de Roland, 292) 

Speaking of this Baudoin, the Saxons call him the nephew 
of Charlemagne, his sister's son, and add that he must be 
very dear to him: 

" C'est li nies Karlemaine, tres bien l'os afiier, 
De sa seror germaine, molt le doi[t] avoir chier." b 
(Chanson des Saisnes, LXVII, 29) 

When Baudoin's death is announced to Charles, the messenger 
cries out : " Baudoin is slain, your sister's son," the implication 
being that the Emperor's grief will be all the keener: 

Li mes la vint poignant desor .i. chaceor; 
"Amperere de Rome, or croist nostre dolor: 
Baudoins est ocis, fiz de vostre seror." c 
{Saisnes, CCLIX, 9) 

Ganelon has another son, Maucion, who appears only in the 
Gui de Bourgogne; when an election is held for a temporary 
ruler of France during the absence of the Emperor, this Mau- 
cion recites his claims, emphasizing the fact that he is sister's 
son to Charlemagne: 

" E si est mun pere Guenes, k'od Karlon est alez ; 
Sa serur ad a femme, si ke ben le savez: 

a ' ' To Saragossa I know well that I must go ; / He who goes 
there cannot return. / Above all, I have your sister. / And I have 
a son by her, one does not need a finer; / That is Baudoin, who, 
if he lives, will be a doughty knight. / To him I leave my lands 
and my fiefs. / Guard him well, I shall not see him more. ' ' 

b a He is the nephew of Charlemagne, I venture to assert it, / By 
his sister, and dear must he hold him. " 

c The messenger came spurring upon a courser ; / t{ Emperor of 
Eome, now our grief increases ;/ Baudoin is slain, your sister's 
son." 



THE SISTEK'S SON 203 

Pur ce dei en France estre haltement coronez." a 
(Gui de Bourgogne, p. 137) 

The influence of the sister's son at court is brought out by a 
passage from the Girart: 

Girars avoit a court de ceulz qui consoillent 
Le roi, mains malvuillans qui de mort le hayoient: 
Les filz au due d'Ardene et neveux le roi Charle, 
Effens de sa soreur, e'est de quoi je parle. b 
(Girart de Roussillon, 693) 

The trouble into which Gaufroi has gotten with the Emperor 
is all the more annoying to Naimon since Gaufroi had married 
his sister, and their son Ogier is dear to the uncle: 

Quant li dux Namles sot ce grant destourbier, 
Bien poez croire, mult li dut anuier, 
Car eue ot sa seror a moillier 
Icis Gaufrois dont ci m'oez raisnier; 
N'en ot c'un fill, on l'apeloit Ogier. c 
(Enfances Ogier, 97) 

The poet of Aiol seems to make it an important point that he 
knows who the Count of Bourges is, whom Aiol captures for 
Louis, that he is the sister's son of Elie, and that he is warring 
with the king on account of the latter' s injustice to his uncle; 
apparently, since the relationship has not been indicated before, 

a "And my father is Ganelon, who has gone with Charles; /His 
sister he has to wife, ag well you know ; / For this I must be 
openly crowned in France." 

b Girart had at court those who counsel / The King, many ill- 
wishers who hated him to death: / The sons of the Due d'Ardenne 
and nephews to King Charles, / Children of his sister, that is of 
what I speak. 

c When Duke Naimon learned of this great trouble, / You may 
well believe, it must have vexed him, / For he had his sister to 
wife, / That Gaufroi of whom you hear me speak here ; / He had 
only one son by her, he was called Ogier. 



204 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

the poet makes the announcement here with the intention of 
appealing to the sympathy of his hearers for the unknown 
Count : 

Signor, chis gentiex quens que je vos di, 
Dont ne saves qu'il fu ne dont il vint, 
Poi est de jougleors quil vous desist: 
II ne sevent l'estoire ne n'ont apris; 
De chou sont li auquant molt escarni 
Et li plussor s'en font por fol tenir, 
Quant le veraie estoire n'en ont coisi: 
Hon qui raison commenche, jel sai de fi, 
Quant il al daerain n'en set issir, 
Por fol et por musart s'en fait tenir. 
Mais je vos dirai bien dont li quens vint 
Et de eon faite gent: je l'ai apris. 
Ja fu ehe nies Elie le due gentil 
Qui a tort fu eachies de son pais, 
Fieus Marsent sa seror o le cler vis, 
Cousins germains Aiol dont je vos di. 
Por chou guereoit il roi Loeys 
Qu'il encacha son oncle fors del pais. a 
(Aiol, 3210) 

The Count himself laments his inability to restore his uncle's 
rights to him : 

a My lords, that gentle count of whom I tell you, / Of whom 
you know not who he was nor whence he came, / Few minstrels are 
there who could tell you; / They do not know the story and have 
not learned it ; / For that some are derided / And the greater part 
are considered fools, / When they have not perceived the true 
story; /A man who begins a tale, I know forsooth, / When he 
knows not how to finish it, / Makes them consider him a stupid 
fool. / But I will tell you whence came the count, / And of what 
race : I have learned it. / He was indeed nephew to Elie, the 
gentle duke, / Who was wrongfully driven from his land; /The 
son of Marsent, His sister, fair of face, / Cousin german to Aiol of 
whom I tell you. / For this he was warring with King Louis, / 
That he drove his uncle from the country. 



THE SISTEK'S SON 205 

" Elies, biaus dous oncles, je sui honis. 
A tort fustes eachies de ces pais: 
Si vous desireta rois Loeys. 
Je sui fieus vo seror, se Dex m'ait, 
Dame Marsent la bele o le cler vis." a 
(Aiol, 3309) 

Of the affection which binds an uncle to his sister's sons we 
are told when the poet enumerates the descendants of Aymeri, 
among whom are four sons of Guillaunie's eldest sister: 

Qui tant aiderent Guillaume le guerrier, 
Crestiente firent molt essaucier; 
Forment les dut Guillaumes avoir ehier; 
Neveu furent au conte. b 

(Aymeri de Narbonne, 4626) 

Guillaume himself unconsciously sums up the contents of 
several poems, in a courteous but heartfelt reproach which he 
addresses to Louis, reminding him that it is through serving 
him that he has lost his dearest relative, his sister's son, 
Vivien : 

" Loeys sire, je vos tien a seignor. 
Done m'avez grant paine et grant honor: 
Perdu en ai lo fil de ma seror, 119 
De ma meisnee lo balais et la flor." c 
(Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 7736) 

a ' l Elie, gentle uncle, I am shamed. / Wrongfully were you 
driven from this region, / And King Louis disinherited you. / 1 
am your sister's son, so may God help me, / Lady Marsent the 
fair and bright-faced." 

t> Who aided Guillaume the warrior so much, / And much exalted 
Christianity ; / Deeply must Guillaume have loved them ; / Nephews 
were they to the Count. 

c ' ' Louis, Sire, I hold you my master, / You have given me 
great sorrow and great honor; /I have lost through it my sister's 
son, / The fairest and the flower of my household. ' ' 

ii9 The ms. of London, f ol. 284, r°, reads : Perdus en ai les fXz 
die ma serour, / De ma mesnie le damage et la flor. 



206 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

The grief of other uncles at the death of their sister's sons is 
equally keen, and the way of recording the death in battle 
sometimes shows by inference the depth of this sentiment. 
For instance, when the poet tells us that in the battle of Mor- 
ligane Anseis kills the Aumagour, and immediately adds: Et 
Guis oehist le fil de sa seror a (Anseis de Cartage, 2775), it is 
evident that he wishes to point out the closeness of the connec- 
tion between them. A similar case is when Gui kills the 
nephew of Tibaut: 

Gui de Doai — fox demande meillor — 
Fiert devant lui lo fil de sa seror. b 

{Foucon, 3283) 

Ysore, King of Corinth, rages when he hears of the defeat of 
his maternal uncle Synagon: 

Grant doel en ot li glos en son corage 
— Car Synagons estoit de son lignage, 
Frere sa mere, — s'en ot au cuer la rage. c 
(Moniage Guillaume, 4642) 

Louis reports to his barons the threats of Tibaut against Guil- 
laume for killing his sister's son: 

"Molt menace Guillaume le eonte poigneor, 
Et dit quil li a mort le fil de sa seror. 
Encor l'en ocirra a son branc de color, 
Se ne li rent sa terre, qui fu son ancessor." a 
{Foucon, ed. Tarbe, p. 86) 

a And Gui slew his sister 's son. 

b Gui de Douai — only a fool would ask for a better — / Strikes 
down before him his sister's son. 

e At this the knave had great grief in his heart, / For Synagon 
was of his lineage, / His mother 's brother ; he had wrath in his 
heart. 

a ' ' He threatens much Guillaume the warrior count, / And says 
that he killed his sister 's son, / And that he will slay him with his 
colored blade, /If he does not restore his land, which was his 
grandfather 's. ' ' 



THE SISTEK'S SON 207 

The same attitude is seen in the threat of the Saracen Jossien, 
whose sister's son has been slain by Elie. 120 

The association of the nephew with his maternal uncle is 
alluded to in several passages; when Aymer de Losengne is 
slain, his sister's son, who is fighting in the same fray, steps 
at once into his place, is knighted, and receives his uncle's pos- 
sessions and avenges him as a matter of course : 

D'Aymer est la perte recovree, 
Le bon vassal qui la vie a finee, 
Cist est ses nies, fiz sa seror l'ainnee; 
Bien doit tenir la terre et la contree 
Qui fu son oncle a la chiere menbree. a 
(Aymeri de Narbonne, 1881) 

Begon de Belin, when besieged by the enemy, calls upon his 
sister to despatch her son to his aid: 

"Ma seror dites qu'elle m'envoit son fis 
Et son nevou, dant Jofroi V Angevin." b 
(Garin, II, 102) 

Fromont, notwithstanding that he is the enemy of Begon, is 
angered at his death, and threatens his own nephew, who has 
done the deed, but is prevented from striking him by Guillaume 
de Monclin, who reminds him of the consideration due his 
sister's son: 

" Non f erez, frere," li quens Guillaumes dit, 
" II est tes nies et de ta seror fis." c 
(Garin, II, 248) 

a- Of Aymer is the loss replaced, / The good youth whose life 
has ended; / This is his nephew, son of his eldest sister; /He 
must surely have the land and the domain / Which belonged to his 
uncle with the prudent look. 

t> 1 1 Tell my sister that she send me her son / And her nephew, 
Sir Jofroy the Angevin." 

c ' ' You shall not do it, brother, ' ' Count Guillaume said, / ' l He 
is your nephew, and the son of your sister." 

120 Cited on page 186. 



208 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Guisehart and his nephew Foucon, who are engaged in aveng- 
ing the death of Vivien, Foueon's uncle, are brought together 
by the poet all through the poem : 

Guiseharz et Folque, li fiz de sa seror, 
Sovent i metent lor verz branz de color, 
Kar tel costume orent lor ancessor. 3 - 121 
(Foucon, 2972) 

The connection between Gamier and his sister's sons is so close 
that they abandon their fathers for the sake of the uncle. 122 
In the story of the Birth of the Knight of the Swan, King 
Lotaire has a nephew at court, his sister's son, who unwittingly 
shoots at the swans in the royal garden; the King is so angry, 
despite his fondness for Plantol, that he rushes at him with 
a knife, but is restrained by the courtiers : 

Plantols, uns chevaliers qui ert de sa maisnie, 
Molt l'ama; ses nies ert, de sa seror joie. b 
(Elioxe, 1639) 

Plantols n'ot mie oi ceste manace faire; 
Nies ert le roi Lotaire, et frans et debonaire. 
(Elioxe, 2119) 

Li rois en vaut ocire son neveu avantier, 
Por cou que il i traist une fois d'arc manier. d 
(Elioxe, 2451) 

The earlier poems of the French mediaeval period have in- 
dubitably a different treatment of the nephew tradition from 

a Guisehart and Foucon, the son of his sister, / Often use their 
blades flashing green, / For such a custom had their ancestors. 

t> Plantol, a knight of his household, / Much did he love him ; 
he was his nephew by his favorite sister. 

c Plantol did not hear this threat made ; / He was nephew to 
King Lotaire, and noble and gentle. 

a The King wanted to slay his nephew day before yesterday, / 
Because he drew his short-bow once. 

121 Costume, i. e., the association in battle of uncle and nephew. 

122 For citation, see page 71. 



THE SISTEK'S SON 209 

that of the later ones — the greater part of them make nothing 
of the relationship of father and son, and when the nephew, 
who is frequently the main character of the story, is introduced, 
he is usually a sister's son; in the later poems of the thirteenth 
century the brother's son is on the same footing, while greater 
importance is given to the role of the father. As seen above, 
the general allusions to the importance of the sister's son in 
his uncle's life are not many, but as the treatment of the poet 
is objective so far as his limitations allow, we must bear in 
mind that he voices his sentiments mainly in the deeds of his 
characters rather than by dogmatizing, and that the pains 
which he takes to indicate a character as le fiz sa seror and the 
tendency to make this relationship the fulcrum of his dramatic 
action are of equal weight with any general statements that he 
may choose to make. We have a good example of the change 
in the nephew tradition in the legend of Vivien; in the earlier 
poems he appears as the son of Guillaume's sister, while in the 
Enfances Vivien, which is much later than the Can-gun de Wil- 
lame or the Aliscans, he appears as the son of Guillaume's 
brother Garin. 123 The tradition being broken in this respect, 
it is not surprising that the poet makes Guillaume say, when 
deciding that Vivien shall take his father's place in prison : 

"Nevos et oncles, parens sont il asses, 
Mais un sien freire ne puet on recovrer." a 
(Enfances Vivien, 337) 

a < ' Nephews and uncles are very close relatives, / But one can- 
not replace his brother." 

123 Vivien is the sister's son of Guillaume, according to the 
Cancun de Willame, the Willenalm of Wolfram von Eschenbach, 
Foucon, the narrative of Alberic des Trois Fontaines, and verse 34 
of the Aliscans in the Halle edition, where the reading et a 
Guillaume le fil de sa seror is decidedly to be preferred over the 
lui et Tacon le fil de sa seror of the ms. utilized in the Jonekbloet 
edition; Vivien is the son of Garin, according to the Enfances 
Vivien, the Covenant Vivien, Aymeri de Narbonne, and the 
Neroonesi. See Weeks, "The Newly Discovered Chancun de 
15 



210 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

This impairing of the sacredness of the nephew relation is an 
evidence of late writing; and yet in the same poem we find the 
utmost harmony between Guillaume and his nephew. The in- 
consistency seems to be due to the loss of the real significance 
of the term ' sister's son ' ; the first step is the placing of the 
brother's son on the same footing, and then comes a quick 
transition into the modern conception of the inner family. 
When Foucon claims his right as Vivien's nephew to avenge 
his death, telling his mother, Vivien's sister : Toz jors Voi dire : 
ainz venge nies que f retire* (Foucon, 537), it is made clear 
that there was a well-defined tradition regarding the duties 
of the nephew, and when we find the same thing in Aye cV Avig- 
non: For ce dit on encore: ainz venge niez que fiz h (2667), the 
matter is clinched. Yet although the axiom is familiar to the 
poet, he seemingly cannot reconcile it to his knowledge of 
family life, for instead of making the incident of his story illus- 
trate the old saying, it seems to him that his legend is the 
origin of the axiom. That is, he makes Alori and Guichart 
warn their uncle Gamier of the plot of their fathers against 
him, their maternal uncle, and makes them join Gamier in 
fighting against their fathers; the poet finds this proceeding 
incongruous and tries to find in it the origin of the saying, 
claiming that on account of it people still say that it is the duty 
of the nephew rather than of the son to take vengeance. He 
goes still farther in his attempt to harmonize the situation with 
his own ideas of propriety by making the fathers belong to 
the breed of traitors, while the uncle is an oppressed and vir- 
tuous hero. The hero of Auberi, praising his sister's son Gas- 
celin for his long-continued devotion and faithfulness, calls to 

a I always hear it said: rather does nephew than brother take 
vengeance. 

t> For this they still say : rather does nephew than son take 
vengeance. 

Willame," Modern Philology, 1904-5, pp. 239-240. In consulta- 
tion, Professor Weeks expresses the opinion that the reading of 
the remanieur is manifestly to be rejected. 



THE SISTER'S SON 211 

mind another axiom which shows the poet's conception of this 
relationship : 

" Par mainte f ois l'ai oi' regehir, 
Miens vaut bons nies, ce dist on sans mentir, 
Que tel enfant puet on souuent nourir." a 
(Auberi, ed. Tobler, 54, 17) 

Tibaut, the nephew of the Saracen Desrame, voices another side 
of the question when he declares his intention of continuing a 
battle which his uncle wishes to abandon, and says to him : 

Dist li nies : " Oncles, ja mes n'avroiz honor, 

S'el champ laissiez lo fil vostre seror." b 
(Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 8184) 

The occasional characterization of the nephew as the son of the 
eldest sister is of a certain importance, for where Mother-right 
prevails, a nephew of that particular degree often has more 
prerogatives than do those by other sisters; unfortunately, 
these indications in the Chansons de Geste are always in rhyme, 
so that an argument based on them alone is hardly possible. 
Taken in connection with other indications, however, this point 
has a bearing on our theory. For instance, Rainald de Peiter, 
a nephew of Willame, is called un sun neuov de sa seror primer 
(Willame, 2541) ; speaking of the pagan king Aarofle, the poet 
tells us that Renoart was fils sa seror, Vainz nee {Aliscans, 
294) ; Renoart himself has a nephew, Bauduc, who is called 
nies Benoart, fiz sa seror Vainz nee (Aliscans, 5377) ; the loss 
of Aymer, the squire of Foucon de Poitier, is replaced by a 
squire of whom the poet says: cist est ses nies, fiz sa seror 
Vainnee (Aymeri, 1883). 

These slight hints are all that we have to show that the poets 
themselves ever felt the need of accounting for the mutual con- 
sideration which they attribute to maternal uncle and nephew; 

a l ' Many a time have I heard it declared : / Better is a good 
nephew, so they said in truth, / Than any child one can bring up. ' ' 

b Said the nephew : * ' Uncle, nevermore would you be honored, / 
If you should leave on the field your sister 's son. ' ' 



212 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

they probably did not really grasp the significance of its mani- 
festation, but accepted the relationship as sufficient to account 
for the situation. It is impossible to say with precision that 
the sister's son predominates in the earlier Chansons and loses 
ground in the later ones, because we cannot tell how much of 
our material is native to the earliest versions of any poem: 
that the brother's son does assume prominence in some of the 
early ones is shown by the character of Bertrand in the Cou- 
ronnement Louis and the Charroi de Nimes, while the late 
Enfances Ogier bring out the essential relations between uncle 
and sister's son as well as some of the earlier poems. 124 The 
poetic development of the material is still enveloped in uncer- 
tainty, but we may assume that the earliest legends made much 
of the sister's son and that the whole period of the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries knew this without understanding it, and 
thus unconsciously developed the tradition until maternal and 
paternal nephews alike were looked upon as good material for 
embodying the human interest in the epic poems. 

The question as to' why the sister's son appears to fill the 
poetic need of a character standing close to the central figure 
of the various divisions of a cycle is usually answered by 
referring to the prototype Roland. But then another question, 
equally difficult, arises : why was Roland in the first place repre- 
sented as the sister's son of Charlemagne? It has been sug- 
gested that as the legend about his deeds grew and the poets 
desired to connect him as closely as possible with the Emperor 
under whom he served, they deliberately set to work to invent 
an arbitrary relationship, since they could not violate history 
so far as to make him a son, which should be next to that of 
son. This is theorizing, of course, without examination of the 
circumstances; a comparative examination of the legend in- 
duces the belief that as the story evolved, making the relations 
between the Emperor and Roland more and more personal, the 

124 As regards Bertrand, in the Pelerinage Charlemagne he calls 
Hernaut de Gironde his uncle (565), while no mention is made of 
relationship to Bernart, who is in other poems his father. 






THE SISTEK'S SON 213 

poets ascribed to the two a relationship that was even closer 
than that between father and son, as the most natural thing to 
do. There is no historical basis that justifies making Roland 
the sister's son of Charlemagne, but as we shall see, there is a 
sociological justification; nor is there anything but poetic in- 
formation as to the connection between the other oncles and 
nephews of the Chansons. The only historical reference to 
Roland is found in Eginhard, who states that he was a prefect 
of the Marches of Brittany, and perished in the battle at 
Roncevaux in Navarre. 125 The entire poetic theme is evidently 
a pure invention, but it is not a violent and phenomenal use 
of arbitrary methods, but rather the easiest way of making in- 
telligible to an audience relations which, thus characterized, 
were natural in the eyes of the mediaeval world. And what 
applies to Charlemagne and Roland applies equally well to all 
the others. 

Some credence has been attached to a certain legend of 
Roland's birth which makes him the son of Charlemagne by 
his own sister, as an explanation of the position which he oc- 
cupies in the mediaeval epic. But this would not account for 
the similar poetic treatment of so many other nephews; how- 
ever, it must be considered. Among the many scandalous 
legends which grew up soon after the death of the historical 
Charlemagne was one which attributed to him incestuous inter- 
course with his sister Gille or Berte, as a result of which she 
gave birth to Roland shortly after her marriage to Milon. 126 
This legend appears not to have been so current as one which 
attributed to the Emperor a great sin, not specified, but one 
which tormented his conscience so grievously that he found no 
peace in life. None of the early French epics makes use of this 
legend of Roland's birth, although in Huon de Bordeaux there 

125 Eginhard, Vie de L'Empereur Charles, trans, from the Latin 
by A. Teulet, p. 14. 

126 This matter is discussed in detail by Gaston Paris, Histoire 
Poetique, pp. 378 fr\, and in his Introduction to La Vie de Saint- 
Gilles, p. lxix ff . 



214 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

is a reference to an unconfessed sin which prevents the Em- 
peror from drinking out of the magic cup of Auberon, a cup 
to be used only by the pure and sinless. 127 The Karlamagnus- 
Saga, the prose romance of Berte, and the Chronique de Wei- 
henstephan all mention the first theory as stated above as the 
sin of the Emperor, while the author of Tristan de Nanteuil 
arrives at the same conclusion as does the Icelandic saga, only 
he states it hypothetically : 

Le peche fu orribles, on ne le sot neant; 
Mais ly aucun espoirent, et tous ly plus sachant, 
Que ce fut le peche quant engendra Boulant 
En sa sereur germaine, se va on esperant; 
Car il n'est nul qu'au vrai vous en voit recordant ; 
Mais ensement le vont plusieurs signiffiant. a 
(Ms. Bib. Imp. 75535, fol. 311 v°) 128 

This fourteenth century poem is of so late origin that the adop- 
tion of a legend which the other epics disregard may indicate 
that by that time it seemed necessary to justify or rather to ac- 
count for an affection which the earlier poems found perfectly 
natural between an uncle and a sister's son. The compiler of 
the Beali di Francia had heard of this legend, and indignantly 
dismisses it as untrue: 

" Carlo lo amava tanto che lo teneva come suo proprio 
figliuolo adottivo, intantoche volgarmente fu detto che Orlan- 
dino era figliuolo di Carlo, la qual cosa e contraria al vero; e 
amaval il re per la sua virtu e perche lo vedeva valeroso dell' 
animo e della persona." 129 

a The sin was horrible ; it was not known at all ; / But some 
surmise, and all the most learned, / That it was the sin when he 
begot Eoland / Upon his sister, so they surmise. / For there is none 
who goes reporting this to you for a certainty, / But several go 
thus indicating it. 

127 Huon de Bordeaux, 10217 ff. 

128 Cited in Histoire Poetique, p. 381, and in La Vie de Saint 
Gilles, p. CIX. 

129 Beali di Francia, ed. of Gamba (1821), p. 479. 



THE SISTEK'S SON 215 

Another question arises, whether the poets may not intend to 
imply sometimes that the paternity of their heroes is so uncer- 
tain that a man's affection turns from his sons to his sister's 
sons, whom he knows to be of his own blood. Although doubt 
does seemingly exist in some cases, this explanation is insuffi- 
cient on general grounds. The epic father occasionally assever- 
ates his belief in the legitimacy of his sons, les filz de nos moil- 
liers, and occasionally the legitimacy is questioned. Thus for 
example Ami says of his children: Be moi sont il, por voir le 
puis conter 3 - (Amis et Amiles, 2938). Charlemagne becomes 
angry with his son Louis because the boy does not display the 
independent spirit which he expects in his heir, and in his 
violent outburst of temper he casts suspicion upon his wife : 

Et Pempereres fu moult grams et iriez. 
" Ha las ! n dist il, " com oi sui engigniez ! 
Delez ma fame se coucha pautoniers 
Qui engendra cest couart heritier. 
Ja en sa vie n'iert de moi avanciez : 
Qui en feroit roi ce seroit pechiez." b 
(Couronnement Louis, 91) 

Much the same attitude is taken by Aymeri, who vows, when 
his wife Herman j art sends money to assist her exiled sons upon 
their way, that if they accept this gift they are not his off- 
spring : 

" Jes proverai, ancois que past le jor, 

S'il a en eulx ne bonte ne valor. 

Se F avoir prannent, par Dieu le mien segnor, 

Je dirai bien, qui qo tiengne a iror, 

Que i sont filz d'aucun losanjeor 

Que avec vos cochastes par folor. 

a Mine they are, I can state it in truth. 

b The Emperor was mueh grieved and angry. / " Alas! " said he, 
"how I am deceived today! / With my wife lay some varlet, / Who 
begot this cowardly heir. / Never in his life will he be advanced 
by me;/ If one should make him king, it would be a sin. 



216 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Mes s'il ranvoient les mulez sans demor 
Et il batoient les sergenz par fieror, 
Tant que livre fussent a grant dolor, 
Donques diroie, par Dieu le criator, 
Qes angendra Aymeri le contor, 
Cil de Nerbone a la fiere vigor, 
Si sanbleront de cuer et de valor 

A nostre fier linage." a 

{Narbonnais, 774c) 

As a matter of fact, the insulted sons do send back the money 

and refuse all assistance from the father who had banished 

them, and old Aymeri, delighted, embraces his wife and cries: 

" Dame," fet il, " or sai de veritez 

Qu'i sont mi fil et ques ai angendrez." b 

(Narbonnais, 923) 

Such outbursts are not to be taken seriously; the suspicion is 
not a direct, but a hypothetical one, and yet we may conclude 
that such doubts would be justifiable in some cases, to judge by 
the demeanor which the poet chooses to attribute to the many 
amorous ladies of the Chansons. 130 A notable instance is found 
in a curious passage of the Chanson des Saisnes (LXXIV- 
LXXVI), in which there is a detailed account of the wanton- 
ness of the barons' wives who remain at Saint-Hubert during 

a ' 1 1 shall test them, before the day be past, / If there be in them 
either merit or valor. / If they take the money, by my Lord God, / 
I shall surely say, whoever may consider it is in passion, / That 
they are sons of some flatterer, / "With whom you lay through 
folly. / But if they send back the mules without delay, / And beat 
the servants through passion, / So that they should be given up to 
great pain, / Then I would say, by God the Creator, / That Aymeri 
the Count begot them, / He of Narbonne of the terrible vigor, / 
And that they will resemble in courage and in valor / Our bold 
race. " 

b ' ' Lady, ' ' quoth he, ' ' now I know in truth, / That they are 
my sons and that I begot them. ' ' 

130 cf . Gautier, Epopees Frangaises, Vol. Ill, passim. 



THE SISTER'S SON 217 

the Saxon war, disporting themselves with the squires and the 
menials of the army. 

All these tentative explanations are insufficient to account for 
the persistence with which the uncle-nephew relations are de- 
veloped throughout the epic, and there is really no internal 
evidence that gives the reason. Our difficulty in projecting^ 
ourselves into the spirit of the period is only increased by an 
examination of the bare facts of the epic, piled one upon the 
other in crude colors which give no subtle distinction to the 
various nephews, no plastic quality to any individual, but 
serve only to accentuate the phenomenon. And yet it is not an 
isolated phenomenon : the same treatment of the sister's son is 
found in the Arthurian legends, in Germanic, Celtic, even in 
Indo-Iranian folklore, and these various manifestations cor- 
respond so closely to certain phases of that primitive state of 
society known as the Matriarchal System that we are but fol- 
lowing the line of least resistance in seeking in Mother-right 
the explanation of the curious aspect of family life which we 
have been observing in the French epic. 

(b) In Other Branches of Literature 

Although the relations between nephew and maternal uncle 
are not to so great an extent an integral part of the romances 
of the Arthurian cycle as of the legends of the French epic, 
they nevertheless play a part of considerable importance. It 
is obviously unnecessary here to go into the minute details that 
have been examined in the epic, and a very recent article by 
Professor Nitze, which calls attention to the frequent appear- 
ance of the theme in the Grail legend, while it anticipates some 
statements that would otherwise be made here, is an excellent 
reference for this phase of the subject. 131 The emphasis 
which the position of maternal uncle is given in the Perceval le 
Gallois of Chretien is much greater than in the later German 
version of Parzival by Wolfram von Eschenbach, and many 

131 W. A. Nitze, "The Sister's Son and the Conte del Graal," 
reprinted from Modern Philology, IX, No. 3, January, 1912. 



218 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

details of the earlier poem, such as the neglect to mention the 
father's name and the introduction of numerous relatives on 
the mother's side, combine to accentuate the importance of 
matrilinear descent in the legend. The Grail King is the 
maternal uncle of Perceval, as is also the Hermit; Professor 
Nitze remarks that "a closer male relative Perceval could not 
have had." The article gives also confirmatory testimony from 
other romances; Tristan is the sister's son of King Mark, so 
that his betrayal of his uncle is made to appear all the blacker : 

"Dex! Tant m'amast mes oncles chiers, 
Se tant ne fusse a lui mesfait." a 

(Tristan, version of Beroul, vs. 2170) 

So in the Roman de Brut, the author denounces Mordred's 
betrayal of his uncle Arthur: 

Oies quel honte e quel vilte; 
Ses nies, fils sa seror estoit. b 
(Brut, 13422) 

In Partenopeus de Blois, the King's nephew is dearer to him 
than his own son: 

Un sien neveu avoit li rois, 

Cuens fu d'Angiens et cuens de Blois; 

Fils ert Lucrece sa seror. 

Li rois l'amoit de tel amor 

Que nis son fil de sa moillier 

W avoit il de nient plus chier. c 

(Partenopeus, ed. Crapelet, I, p. 19) 132 
a ' ' God ! So much would my dear uncle have loved me, / If I had 
not wronged him so much." 

bHear what shame and what vileness; /His nephew, his sister's 
son was he. 

c The king had a nephew, / Count was he of Angers and Count 
of Blois; / He was son to Lucrece his sister. / The king loved him 
with such love / That not even his son by his wife / Did he hold 
dearer in any wise. 

132 Professor Nitze states also that the obligation of vengeance 



THE SISTER'S SON 219 

The resemblance has been noted often between the sinister 
legend of Roland's birth and the story that Mordred is Arthur's 
son by his sister; in the Beowulf, too, Fitela is Sigemund's son 
by his sister Signy, states Dr. Hart in his Ballad and Epic. 

An equally close connection between uncle and nephew is 
discussed by Professor Gummere in his article on the sister's 
son in the English and Scottish popular ballads, in which we 
see that many of the popular heroes are sister's sons, and that 
the maternal uncle frequently stands in the place of a father 
to them. 133 Professor Gummere concludes that these survivals 
point to a primitive law; the ballads show traces of the older 
family system together with the new, in which the son is of 
more account, but in the earlier works preference is clearly 
given to the sister's son. Near the end of Chevy Chase we 
find: 

Sir Davye Tindale that worthe was, 

His sister's son was he. 

In the Beowulf much weight is given to the relationship of 
Beowulf to his maternal uncle Hygelac, and to his claims upon 
him by virtue of that. The sister's son is introduced continu- 
ally in Layamon's Brut. In Malory's Morte d' Arthur there 
are many sister's sons of greater or less importance in the 
story; Arthur's nephews Mordred and Gawain of course are 
the most prominent; in the popular ballads about Arthur, too, 
much mention is made of the sister's son. 

is brought out in Chretien's Yvain, and cites the verses addressed 
by Yvain to Calogrenant, 588 ff. 

' ' Car se je puis et il me loist, 
J'irai vostre honte vangier. " 
There seems to be no indication that this applies to a nephew, 
however, for the statement of Yvain in 582 is: 
' ' Vos estes mes cosins germains, 
Si nos devons mout antramer. ' ' 
Unless the relationship is indicated more clearly in other poems, it 
would seem best to interpret cosins as ' cousins. ' 
133 The Furnivall Miscellany, pp. 133-149. 



220 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Dr. Murray Potter, in his valuable book on combats between 
father and son, refers incidentally to many cases in mediaeval 
and in ancient literature where the maternal uncle takes charge 
of the rearing of the child, who afterwards avenges his 
death. 134 

Besides these three studies which treat of the sister's son as 
a literary theme, taking up the examination of a limited phase 
of the question, many writers on Sociology have had occasion 
to refer to the frequent appearance of the sister's son in other 
lands; as the majority of such writers have been Germans, it 
is natural that they should refer particularly to the oldest Ger- 
manic traditional literature. It has been shown that both in 
the oldest monuments and in the later poems of the Middle 
Ages there is an uncommonly intimate relation between uncle 
and sister's son. 135 The uterine uncle supervizes the education 
of his nephews, who sometimes bear his name and after his 
death occupy his position. Both the older Edda and the 
Nibelungenlied consider it the worst crime against a child to 
slay his maternal uncle. 136 According to Bachofen, the story 
of the Nibelungs shows plainly a transition from the old uter- 
ine relationship to the one based upon the claims of marriage; 
the peculiar position in which the uncle stands with regard to 
his sister's son is of course dependent upon the close tie be- 
tween brother and sister. 137 In the Edda we find Gudrun 
avenging her brother, who has been killed by her husband; 
Chriemhild, too, takes sides with her brother, while in the later 
Nibelungenlied the struggle in Chriemhild's soul, the combat 
between her love for her brothers and that for her husband, 
culminates in her instigating the murder of the former, who 
have killed her husband Gunther. The story of Ortnit's Braut- 
fahrt, which is rather late, has many ancient characteristics, 
showing, as Dargun says, that popular views and customs last 

134 Sohrab and Bustem, passim; also Appendix C. 

135 It. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Baubehe, p. 54 ff. 

136 M. Kovalevsky, Origines de la Famille, p. 33. 
i3T J. J. Bachofen, Antiquarische Brief e, I, 170 ff. 



THE SISTER'S SON 221 

much longer than the practises prescribed by law, and that 
their most trivial features sometimes pervade later literature. 138 
i Bachofen devotes many chapters of his Antiquarische Brief e 
to a study of the uncle and sister's son relations in Greek and 
Latin mythology; the uncle takes the place of the father, and 
we find a triangular family consisting of mother, son, and 
mother's brother. Dr. Potter has pointed out that the epic 
theme of a combat between father and son and the intimacy 
of uncle and nephew frequently go hand in hand in these early 
myths: the son is brought up by the maternal uncle (the 
mother having been deserted by the father, who has had only 
temporary relations with her), and on setting out into the 
world he comes across his father, with whom he fights. Bach- 
ofen points out that this family relation rests upon an actually 
existing state of society, and that its appearance in legendary 
literature is not an invention of the fancy. In the Mdha- 
bharata, the story of Astika brings out the importance of the 
maternal uncle as guardian and educator of the child. 139 In 
the Daedalus myth of ancient Greece, the most important phase 
is the continuation of the family through the sister; this 
feature rests upon an ancient order which the later Greeks had 
forgotten, but the tradition of which they piously kept up. 140 
He gives parallels to this, taken from the Vishnu Purana, the 
story of Brikaspati, the story of Narada, the story of Krish- 
na's birth. The popular traditions of the Maori all rest upon 
the sacredness of the tie between uncle and nephew, just as the 
Indian and some of the Greek myths do. 141 The important 
feature of these epic legends is that they show the predomi- 
nance of the avunculate as a sentimental survival after its 
legal rights have disappeared; the Indian myths in particular 
show the struggle between the declining maternal and the ris- 
ing paternal authority, ending of course in the complete vic- 

138 Mutterrecht und Baubehe, p. 56. 
i39 Bachofen, Antiquarische Brief e, I, 57. 
140 Antiquarische Brief e, I, 118. 
i4i Antiquarische Brief e, I, 204. 



222 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

tory of father-right. The French epic exhibits the same un- 
conscious struggle, as we have seen, in which the secure position 
of the father as head of the family is still not able to impair 
the sentimental value of the maternal uncle. The old Irish 
legends, too, show the same predominance of the maternal 
uncle, particularly as the foster-parent of the nephew; Cuchu- 
lain, for example, is the sister's son of Conchobar, and is under 
his protection. 142 Thus it is evident from these few preuves 
a Vappui that other literatures add to the testimony of the 
French epic. 

In Italian literature the relationship is not made strikingly 
apparent; the adaptations even of the French Chansons de 
Geste make much less of uncle and nephew than do the orig- 
inals, and when the relationship is indicated at all, it is entirely 
subordinated to the narrative, whereas in the French epic the 
story is often sacrificed to the sentiment. And yet the influ- 
ence of the old tradition is felt at times ; although in the Italian 
version of the Narbonnais the relationship itself is of far less 
importance — or at least, if he had it in mind, Andrea da Bar- 
berino did not continually harp upon the fact as did the French 
poets — the role of the nephew is such that at times he is the 
leading character. For instance, the loyalty and devotion of 
Bertrand to his uncle Guillaume forms so stout a thread run- 
ning all through the Nerbonesi that Bertrand rather than Guil- 
laume appears the hero. At the festivities in connection with 
the Coronation of Louis, Bertrand distinguishes himself at a 
tournament by combatting and overpowering several of his 
uncles. 143 In the story of the siege of Orange, Bertrand 
escapes from the city, where Guillaume has been besieged for 
seven years, and goes in search of aid. Applying to his father, 
he is refused, and in his anger he soundly reprimands Bernart 
in a tirade magnificently worded : 

" ingrato, e dimentico, non mi chiamare figliuolo, ch'io non 
t'appello mai piu per padre, che doveresti essere da tutti i 

142 Eleanor Hull, The Cuchullin Saga, p. 18. 
1*3 Nerbonesi, I, 361 ff. 



THE SISTER'S SON 223 

cristiani perseverato insino alia morte, e per tutto il mondo 
cacciato! Io non sono si fanciullo, come io era quando mi 
desti la guanciata a Parigi, che se non fussi la vergogna, e '1 
peccato, io ti farei provare se la mia ispada taglia. ingrato, 
non ti raccorda quando fusti cacciato di Busbante d'Arrighetto, 
e Guglielmo ti riscosse, e dietti la signoria? Pure quale sig- 
noria acquistati tu mai? Or non ti fece Guglielmo signore? 
Sappi ch'egli e molto da piu di te Ghibellino, il quale si pro- 
ferse se medesimo in avere, e in persona aiutare la colonna del 
sangue nerbonese; la quale colonna, s' ella perira, che vale il 
nostro nome de' Nerbonesi ? Morto Guglielmo, tutti morti siamo. 
Ora ti rimani, ch'io ti giuro per la fe, la quale io giurai a 
Guglielmo, e a dama Tiborga, e per la fe, ch'io giurai a re 
Aluigi, che se Guglielmo iscampa di tanta fortuna, e tu non 
sia nelle battaglie in suo aiuto, che noi non ti lascieremo tanto 
di terra che tu possi avere sepoltura ! 144 

Continuing his march, he kills a man who opposes the 
expedition which King Louis proposes for the relief of Guil- 
laume. 145 These episodes are from a French source — for 
example, in the Enfances Vivien, Louis suggests such an expe- 
dition — so that we can see here the failure of the Italian 
mind to grasp the whole significance of the quality of 
nephew, while at the same time realizing the dramatic possibil- 
ities of the relations between him and the uncle. It is to be 
doubted that a tirade like the above could be found in the 
French epic, on the same theme, that is, without the word 
' uncle ' being once used ! 146 

In Spanish literature we find two noteworthy additions to our 
illustrations ; in the story of the Siete Infantes de Lara, it is the 
maternal uncle who kills the seven children, and this relation- 
ship makes his crime appear all the more horrible ; in the early 
cantares, Bernaldo del Carpio was a sister's son of Charlemagne, 
and in the working over of the legend becomes of the same 

144 Nerbonesi, I, pp. 452-3. 

145 Nerbonesi, I, pp. 459-469. 

146 These are at least the impressions produced by a rapid read- 
ing of the Eeali di Francia and the Nerbonesi, to which it was not 
feasible to devote the care used in searching the French originals. 



224 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

degree of kinship to Alfonso II. 147 Gaston Paris says of him : 
" On avait evidemment voulu donner un pendant a Roland." li5 
While this explanation may suffice in this one instance, it is 
only superficially satisfactory in general, as applied by Gaston 
Paris and Leon Gautier to the heroes of the French epic, 
whose characteristics coincide so intimately with those of 
other literatures antedating the French that the question be- 
comes broader as we go further into the origins. Since the 
phenomenon, if it indeed be one, of the sister's son is not found 
in the other Romance languages to the extent that it is in 
French, it is evident that a Latin origin must be discarded, 
despite the parallels which Bachofen discovered in the early 
Italic myths. Its prevalence in the Germanic legends indicates 
a very close connection with the French, and the tradition of 
nephew-right must have come into the French from Germanic 
sources; this testimony would serve to corroborate Professor 
Pio Rajna's theory of a Germanic origin of the Chansons de 
Geste, but on the other hand, Professor Bedier's recent theory 
of a clerical or monastic origin along the mediaeval pilgrimage 
routes is so plausibly stated that it seems advisable not to 
formulate an unequivocal opinion until the appearance of the 
final volume of the Legendes Epiques, in which we are prom- 
ised the key to the situation. 

147 Grober 's Grundriss, II, 2, p. 392. 
1*8 Histoire Poetique, p. 205 ff , 



CHAPTER V 

The Prevalence of Mother-Right 

Just how far back it is necessary to go to find the nephew 
and uncle relation prominent in real life is not easily decided; 
it is likely that certain elements of it remained even in the 
Merovingian period, since we find that it occurs in one form 
or another in many of the chronicles of that time. The his- 
tory of the Merovingian kings, as related by Gregory of Tours, 
affords many instances of close relations between uncle and 
nephew in connection with hostility on the part of the father, 
as well as instances where the dealings were of a sinister kind. 
The importance attached to this relationship was remarked by 
Montesquieu, who seems to have been the first writer to trace 
the situation back to an observation of Tacitus about the 
ancient Germans, and to him this affection for the nephew 
seems peculiar. He comments: 

" Je trouve les semences de ces bizarreries dans Tacite. Les 
enfants des sceurs, dit-il, sont cheris de leur oncle comme de 
leur propre pere. II y a des gens qui regardent ce lien comme 
plus etroit et meme plus saint, ils le preferent quand ils recoi- 
vent des otages. C'est pour cela que nos premiers historiens 
nous parlent tant de l'amour des rois francs pour leur sceur 
et pour les enfants de leur sceur. Que si les enfants des sceurs 
etoient regardes dans la maison comme les enfants memes, il 
etoit naturel que les enfants regardassent leur tante comme leur 
propre mere." 149 

The ancient chroniclers were interested in relating only what 
appeared to them striking or unusual, so that the common occur- 
rences of life escape them entirely ; thus the details of alliances 
between uncle and nephew, so frequent, are given without com- 

149 Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, Livre XVIII, Chap. XXII, 
p. 328 (edition of 1820). 

16 225 



226 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

ment, presumably because they seemed to the historians very 
natural, in connection with discord and ill treatment on the part 
of the father. Among the stories which bring out the same close- 
ness of relations that appears in the epic is that of the affection 
of Gregoire, Bishop of Langres, for his nephew Attala, and his 
attempts to rescue him from the misery he was enduring as 
hostage in the hands of Clovis. 150 Family affection receives 
so little attention from the historians of those tumultuous times 
that the recording of it is noteworthy. Childebert and Clotaire 
at first unite against their nephew Theodebert, but are ap- 
peased with presents, and Childebert finally sends for him, 
saying : " Je n'ai pas de fils, je desire te traiter comme si tu 
etais le mien." 151 The conspiracy of Chramne, son of Clo- 
taire, against his father, in which he is joined by his uncle 
Childebert, does not arouse any feelings of horror on the part 
of the historian. 152 When Gontran adopts his nephew Childfr- 
bert, he says: " S'il me vient des fils, je ne te regarderai pas 
moins comme un d'entre eux." 153 Childebert later rejects this 
alliance and combines with his uncle Chilperic, who makes him 
his heir. 154 The Bishop of Nantes brings about the election of 
his nephew as his successor without his having first passed 
through the necessary clerical degrees. 155 Gondowald is pre- 
sented to his uncle Childebert by his mother, who says : " Voila 
ton neveu, le fils du roi Clotaire; comme son pere le hait, 
prends-le avec toi, car il est de ton sang." 156 In another story, 
the royal chamberlain, who has been accused of hunting in the 
royal forest, denies it, and when commanded to submit to the 
jugement de Bieu, offers his nephew to combat in his stead. 157 

150 Gregoire de Tours, trans, of Guizot, Bk. Ill, Chap. 15, p. 142. 
i5i uk. Ill, Chap. 23, p. 154. 

152 Bk. IV, Chap. 16, p. 187. 

153 Bk. "V, Chap. 18, p. 269. 

154 Bk. VI, Chap. 3, p. 338. 

155 Bk. VI, Chap. 15, p. 362. 

156 Bk. VI, Chap. 24, p. 370. 

157 Bk. X, Chap. 10, p. 104. 



THE PREVALENCE OF MOTHER-RIGHT 227 

When Waroch, who is leading the Bretons and the Saxons in 
an attack on Nantes and Rennes, makes peace, he offers his 
nephew as hostage : " J'aurai soin d'accomplir tout ce qu'or- 
donnera le roi, et, pour que vous donniez a mes paroles une 
entiere creance, je vous remettrai mon neveu en otage." Un- 
fortunately for the nephew, Waroch forgets his promise of 
peace, and sends his son to attack the army on its retreat to 
France. 158 

It was perhaps this last illustration that suggested Montes- 
quieu's reference to Tacitus, who says in the Germania: 

" Sororum filiis idem apud avunculum, qui apud patrem, 
honor. Quidam sanctiorem arctioremque hunc nexum sanguinis 
arbitrantur, et in accipiendis obsidibus magis exi^unt, tanquam 
ii et animum firmius et domum latius teneaut. Heredes tamen 
successoresque sui cuique liberi ; et nullum testamentum." 159 

Not only have the various editors of Tacitus commented 
abundantly on this passage, but sociological writers as well con- 
sider it of extreme importance, the earlier ones attaching great 
weight to each statement, the later ones making reservations. 
Andrew Lang, in commenting on whether the Picts were Aryan 
or non- Aryan, says : " The account given by Tacitus, also, in 
the Germania, of the important relationship of uncles, and of 
sister's sons, closely resembles what we are told about the 
Pictish family system. Yet the Germans, if anybody is, are 
Aryans. ... On such delicate points the evidence of Tacitus, 
whose Germans may have been mixed with more backward 
races, is not very strong, it may be urged." 160 The words of 
Tacitus would indicate that the bond was looked upon rather as 
a sentimental one than in a legal light, so that this was not a 
period of unmixed Mother-right. The sociologists have shown 
that this preference for the sister's son, which is one of the 
main characteristics of the matriarchal state of society, is found 
only where Mother-right prevails or has once prevailed, so that 

158 Bk. X, Chap. 9, p. 102. 

159 Germania, Book XX. 

i6o A. Lang, History of Scotland, I, 13. 



228 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

the existence of this peculiar bond between uncle and nephew 
in itself indicates that the Germans in the time of Tacitus were 
passing through that social state. Lippert sums up the situ- 
ation neatly : 

" An den Resten des Neffenrechtes erkennen wir in unertriig- 
licher Weise, dass auch Gerinanen und Sklaven nicht allzulange 
vor ihrer Bertihrung mit dem klassischen Kulturkreise ihren 
Organisationen noeh auf dem Boden des Mutterrechts gestan- 
den haben miissen — ganz in Uebereinstimmung mit dem, was 
uns die Alten liber Skythen und Sarmaten nielden." 161 

Although the development of a legal system had outstripped 
Mother-right, unmistakable traces of the latter remained in the 
minds and customs of the people, as the statement of Tacitus 
shows, so that it seems to be clear that the bond among the 
ancient Germans was a sentimental one, not supported by the 
laws. 162 The mutual obligation of vengeance, the uncle as 
educator or guardian or administrator, his provision of a wife 
for the sister's son, his protection, the continuation of his name 
or his office by the nephew, the allusions in legends to the fact 
that "jemand sei dieses oder jenes Mannes Schwestersohn 
gewesen," — all these points are in close connection with the 
situation as portrayed in the French Chansons de Geste, and 
are supported by Dargun by quotations from the Scripta 
Historica Islandica and from Gregory of Tours' Historia 
Francorum. The general practise of fosterage, particularly 
on the part of the mother's brother, has also been pointed out 
by Weinhold. 103 Yet, if such is practically the situation in 
the oldest Chansons de Geste, how much more frankly matri- 
archal must it have been in the time of Tacitus ; Dargun seem- 
ingly does not give sufficient weight to the length of the inter- 
vening period. Dargun's attempt to strengthen the legal as- 
pect of the problem is not very convincing, in that the develop- 

i6i J. Lippert, Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit, II, 56. 

162 Dargun, Mutterrecht und Baubehe, pp. 21, 56 ft". 

163 K. Weinhold, Die Deutschen Frauen in dem Mittelalter, I, 
105; Altnordisches Leoen, p. 285. 



THE PREVALENCE OF MOTHER-RIGHT 229 

merit of the Salian and Ripuarian, as well as the independent 
Thuringian, laws shows the original inclusion of the mother's 
family alone, with the gradual inclusion of the father's family, 
in the matter of inheritance. 164 As a matter of fact, the Ger- 
mans before the scission must have passed that stage. A 
recent writer on the subject remarks that "la legislation 
franque avait cette superiorite sur le droit romain de ne pas 
connaitre cette distinction des agnats ou parents par les males 
et des cognats ou parents par les femmes." 165 Starcke and 
Schrader, too, take exception to Dargun's views, thinking he 
goes too far. Starcke's statement is clear and satisfactory 
when he says that : " Ce sont les liens de la sympathie et non 
ceux du droit qui rattachent l'enfant a la mere, mais nous ne 
sortons pas pour cela de la famille patriarchale." 166 Thus it 
is clear why Tacitus reports the close connection of the sister's 
son as a sentimental tie, while in the legal question of inheri- 
tance the own son comes first. Yet we cannot deny that at 
an earlier period matriarchy must have prevailed among the 
Germanic tribes. Schrader's evidence is wholly linguistic: in 
Indogermanic stems a name for the paternal uncle was first 
used, which was then applied to both uncles, while at a much 
later period a special name was found for the maternal uncle. 
As the family became more stable, the cognates assumed more 
importance, and the mother's brother had naturally the most 
responsible position in the family. Schrader admits however 
that probably the pre-Indogermanic tribes of Europe had in 
part the custom of inheritance from mother's brother to sister's 
son. 167 If it is true that there was originally no name for the 
mother's brother, his explanation is unconvincing, and his 
attempt to push farther back the period of Matriarchy is 
hardly successful. As Andrew Lang says in his article on 

164 Mutt err -echt und Paubelie, p. 62 ff. 

165 c. Galy, La Famille a I 'Epoque Merovingienne, p. 138. 

166 c. N. Starcke, La Famille Primitive, p. 111. 

i6T Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, p. 369 fr". ; BeallexiJcon, 
articles Familie, Oheim, Mutterrecht. 



230 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

i Family ' in the new Encyclopaedia Britannica, the controversy 
is still alive; a reasonable hypothesis seems to be that the Ger- 
manic tribes must all have passed through a period of Matri- 
archy at some time, as its spread was clearly very general, and 
that the change into the patriarchal family was so gradual a 
process that we cannot yet determine how far it had pro- 
gressed at a given period; since, however, the vestiges in the 
legends are so distinct, it seems likely that the family organiza- 
tion at the time of Tacitus must have been even more decisively 
matriarchal than he thought. 

Caesar does not appear to have observed the custom of pre- 
ferring or fostering the nephew among the Gauls; he does, 
however, comment upon the aloofness of the father, who does 
not permit his sons to approach him openly until they have 
reached the age of manhood. 168 In Livy there is perhaps a 
trace of the practise : Ambigatus, King of the Bituriges, we are 
told sent a large surplus of his tribe away to Italy to found 
colonies, under the leadership of his sister's sons, Bellovesus 
and Segovesus. 169 It is of some importance perhaps that the 
fact of their being sister's sons of the King was sufficiently 
current to have passed into the account of Livy. 

The evidence is more conclusive in other sections of Europe 
as to the continuation of the matriarchate or its remains. 
Among the Picts, down to the ninth century, the sister's son 
inherits the power, after the brothers of the Pictish ruler; 
after him and his brothers a sister's son again follows, and so 
on; it is said that the King was not allowed to marry, and that 
this method of bequeathing power was the cause of their finding 
marriage unnecessary. 170 

Celtic history shows many traces of Mother-right, or rather 
of Nephew-right. The father's lack of importance in a senti- 
mental way is shown by the general practise of having sons 

168 Gallic War, Book VI, Chap. 18, 19. 

169 Livy, Book V, Chap. 34. 

170 Schrader 's Beallexikon, article Mutterrecht ; also stated by 
Andrew Lang, History of Scotland, I, 5, 28. 



THE PREVALENCE OF MOTHER-RIGHT . 231 

brought up out of the paternal house; thus fosterage becomes 
the closest of all ties among the Celts. 171 When the sister's 
son or the maternal uncle was killed, the duty of vengeance 
devolved upon the other, according to the Ancient Laws of Ire- 
land. 172 According to the old law of northern Wales, the son 
of a woman by a stranger from across the sea could inherit 
from maternal relatives, although contrary to the usual practise, 
because it was felt that the stranger brought new strength into 
the family, and that the nephew would thus become the succes- 
sor of the grandfather. These facts are explained by D'Arbois 
de Jubainville as the natural influence of daughter upon father, 
sister upon brother, niece upon uncle. 173 The father, how- 
ever, had the power of life and death over the sons, as in 
ancient Gaul. 174 The Welsh law states, with regard to the 
inheritance of land, that if the eldest son be dumb or deaf or an 
idiot, " the next in age has it, unless there be a brother's son, 
or a son to a nephew the son of a brother, or a male of equal 
right." 175 Thus we find the right of succession in Celtic 
Britain, but aside from that, nephew-right seems to have been 
in Germany, France, and Ireland, more a matter of sentiment 
than of legal provision. But what we know of ancient laws 
and customs in other parts of the world, together with travel- 
lers' reports from the most remote periods down to our own 
times, combines to emphasize the rights of the nephew both 
legally and sentimentally. 

Strobaeus relates that the Ethiopian kings left their power 
not to their own but to their sister's children. 176 Herodotus, 
Strabo, and Nicholas of Damascus all give the same testi- 

i7i R. Dareste, Etudes d'Histoire de Droit, p. 361; P. W. Joyce, 
Social History of Ancient Ireland, II, 17. 

172 h. D'Arbois de Jubainville, Coprs de Litterature Celtique, 
VII, 187. 

173 La Famille Celtique, pp. 69, 71. 

174 G. Dottin, Manuel de I 'Antiquite Celte, p. 143. 

175 Laws of Wales, ed. of Aneurin Owen, 1841, pp. 739-740. 

176 Cited by Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht, p. 12. 



232 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

mony. 177 Plutarch says that the Roman matrons prayed to 
the mother-god Ino-Matula to bless, not their sons, but their 
sister's sons. 178 The notion of the relative closeness of the tie 
between mother and children and father and children is seen 
in the Athenian legislation, which forbade marriage between 
children of the same mother, while permitting it between 
children of the same father. 179 The Brahmin codes called 
Vishnu and Narada recognized the rights of the grand-father 
and the maternal uncle as guardians; it was allowable to 
adopt the brother's sons, but not those of the sisters, because 
the latter were considered an integral part of the family 
without adoption. 180 According to Pistorius, the eldest mater- 
nal brother was the head of the Malay family, acting as the 
real father of the sister's children, while his possessions went 
to his own family, and never to his wife's family. 181 The 
Bolognese traveller of the fifteenth century, Varthema, reports 
that the kings of Calicut appointed the sister's son as heir to 
the throne, being sure that they two were of the same blood, 
while owing to the practise of defloration of brides by the 
Brahmin priests, paternity was always uncertain. 182 Guber- 
natis relates that for the same reason the second son, or pre- 
ferably the sister's son, became heir among the Nairs of Mala- 
bar in the period from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries 
at any rate; Barbosa reports the same thing. 183 

The same stories are reported by modern travellers from all 
parts of the world, showing that mother-right is even now fairly 
wide-spread among uncivilized tribes; the details vary, in some 
places the uncle and nephew relationship assuming more prom- 

177 Cf. Kovalevsky, Tableau des Origines, p. 19; A. Giraud- 
Teulon, Origines de la Famille, pp. 32, 263, with cross-references 
to Herodotus, III, 29, and Strabo, XVII, 822. 

its Cited by Bachofen, Das MutterrecM, p. 12. 

179 Kovalevsky, Tableau des Origines, p. 36. 

iso Kovalevsky, p. 37. 

isi Bachofen, Antiquarische Brief e, I, 55. 

182 K. Schmidt, Jus Primae Noctis, p. 32. 

183 Jus Primae Noctis, p. 34. 



THE PBEVALENCE OF MOTHEK-KIGHT 233 

inence in the blood feud, in other regions in the matter of in- 
heritance, and so on. These accounts are reliable, although 
the state of society they represent only helps us to determine 
approximately the characteristics of the primitive family. 
" The beliefs and customs of civilized peoples contain many 
survivals of beliefs and practises that still exist in full force 
in savage communities." 184 So it is worth while to collate 
some examples of nephew-right among primitive peoples of 
modern times which have a connection with those forms of ma- 
triarchy to be found in the French epic. Many of the details 
characterizing mother-right in its various phases find no place 
in its survival in the Chansons de Geste, such as the jus primae 
noctis, defloration as a privilege, the couvade, exogamy, 
although there is perhaps a trace of the last. Generally speak- 
ing, mother-right appears in the French epic in the form of 
nephew-right. 

In India, among the Nairs of Malabar at the present time, 
the sister's children grow up with the uncle and are his heirs, 
while he is a stranger to his own children, for the reason that 
the man and woman after marriage continue to live each in his 
own family. 185 Inheritance nowadays is always in the mater- 
nal line, property descending first to the sister, then to the 
sister's son, etc. 186 Among the Hindus the nephew is fre- 
quently adopted by the uncle, seemingly in order to reconcile 
the ancient uterine system with that of direct inheritance, so 
that now in the Tanjaour the nephew inherits the royal power 
not as the sister's son, but as the son of his uncle. 187 

In Arabia at the present day the relations between a man and 
his maternal uncle are particularly close and tender; 188 there 
is, too, a popular belief that in inheriting the property of his 

is* F. H. Giddings, Principles of Sociology, p. 209; cf. also 
p. 264. 

185 Giraud-Teulon, p. 41. 

186 Schmidt, p. 35. 

187 Giraud-Teulon, p. 204, note. 

i88Bobertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, 
p. 187. 



234 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

uncle, he also inherits the latter's character. 189 In a note to 
his translation of the Arabian Nights, Burton writes that: 
" The Arabs also hold that as a girl resembles her mother, so 
a boy follows his uncle (mother's brother) "; the translator 
adds that he himself has often seen this resemblance. 190 

In Ethiopia and Egypt the order of succession through the 
uterine nephew, as pointed out by Herodotus and Strabo and 
by the Arab writer Abou-Selah, is still observed by the greater 
part of the African negroes. 191 Abou-Selah states that kin- 
ship among the Nubians descends to the sister's son, and that 
they trace descent in the female line, alleging that the maternal 
nephew is irrevocably of the family. 192 In the valley of the 
Nile, until recently, the ancestors of the Biskra tribe reckoned 
genealogy in the female line, and property descended in the 
same way. 193 In the Messoufah tribe, which follows the teach- 
ings of the Koran, children are named after the maternal uncle 
instead of the father, and inherit from him. 194 

In China, the brother's sons are still called ' my sons/ the sis- 
ter's sons ' my nephews.' 195 In his Systems of Consanguinity, 
Morgan shows in a long chapter on the topic that the Chinese 
do not consider the two sets of nephews to be related to the 
uncle in the same degree. 

In Thibet, a family of brothers living together will have one 
wife among them, but the eldest brother is the natural head 
of the family and the nurturer of the children. 196 It is said 
that the Shiva of Durdistan have no other name for uncle and 
nephew than ' father,' ' son.' 197 

189 Potter, Sohrab and Bustem, p. 123. 

190 Burton's Arabian Nights, I } 303, note 1. 

i9i Giraud-Teulon, p. 32; cf. Quatremere, Memoires Geogra- 
phiques sur VEgypte. 

192 Kovalevsky, p. 17. 

193 Giraud-Teulon, p. 25. 

194 Giraud-Teulon, p. 32, note. 

195 Giraud-Teulon, p. 117, after Morgan. 
i96Eobertson Smith, p. 146. 

197 Bachofen Antiquarische Brief e, II, 152 ff. 



THE PKEiVALEONTCE OF MOTHER-EIGHT 235 

In the region of the Caucasus, among the Pshaves, a moun- 
tain tribe of Georgia, the mother's brother acts instead of 
the father in the blood-feud, avenging the nephew's death, or 
receiving the composition. 198 The Ingousch have a custom 
which is derived from an ancient mode of inheritance: the 
nephew, at the age of puberty, invariably demands and re- 
ceives from his maternal uncle the gift of a horse. 199 The 
Chevsours, another tribe of the Caucasus, admit of no other 
person than the maternal uncle as the guardian of an orphan. 200 
Among the Kalmucks there exists great abuse of the nephew- 
right for purposes of gain or for political influence, and the 
name l nephew ' is generally synonymous with ( spendthrift.' 201 

In Russia, states Kovalevsky, " this close tie between brother 
and sister, between the uncle and the sister's children, still ex- 
ists among the southern Slavs." 202 He explains the historical 
development of the situation as follows: 

"According to the old Russian law, the tie which unites a 
man to his sister and the children she has brought into the 
world, was considered to be closer than that which unites two 
brothers or the [paternal] uncle and his nephew. In a society 
organized on the principle of agnatism, the son of a sister has 
no reason to interfere in the pursuit of the murderer of his 
uncle. The brother belongs altogether to another clan, and the 
duty of vengeance falls exclusively on the persons of that clan. 
But such is by no means the point of view of the old Russian 
law, recognizing, as it does, the right of the sister's son to avenge 
the death of his uncle. 'In case a man shall be killed by a 
man,' decrees the first article of the Pravda of Yaroslav (the 
lex barb[ar]orum of the Russians), 'vengeance may be taken 
by a son, in case his father has been killed ; by the father, when 
the son falls a victim; by the brother's son and by the son of a 
sister.' The last words are omitted in the later version of the 
Pravda, a fact which shows the increase of agnatic organisa- 
tion, but they are found in the version generally recognized as 
the most ancient." 

198 Kovalevsky, p. 21. 

199 Kovalevsky, p. 22. 

200 Kovalevsky, p. 24. 

201 Bachof em, Antiquarisehe Brief e, II, 91. 

202 M. Kovalevsky, Modern Customs and Ancient Laws, p. 18. 



236 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

The mass of similar testimony from African tribes is im- 
mense. Among the Berbers, the eldest son of the eldest sister 
inherits the office of Sheik. 203 In the Touareg tribes there are 
several interesting practises: property acquired by individual 
work descends to the sons, but that acquired collectively by the 
family goes to the eldest son of the eldest sister. 204 The 
Touaregs of the Messoufah trace their genealogy through the 
mother's brother, as do the Arabs, who also give the child his 
uncle's name, rather than that of his father. 205 Among the 
African Barea and Kunama the nephew and the maternal uncle 
perform vengeance one for the other, while neither father nor 
son ever takes up the blood-feud the one for the other. 206 
Among the Barea and the Bazes the own childern never inherit 
property, but it descends first to the brother by the same 
mother, then to the eldest son of the eldest sister. 207 The family 
system of the Barea and the Bayas rests wholly upon maternal 
kinship, says Kovalevsky. 208 All along the Guinea coast and 
in some interior tribes, the Barea, Bazes, Vouamrima, Kim- 
bundas, Bassoutos, the mother's brother owns the children out- 
right and has extraordinary power over them. 209 Among the 
Bassoutos in particular this excessive preponderance of the 
maternal uncle is found, and the children of polygamous fam- 
ilies have no especial dealings with their father. 210 Among the 
Ashango, the brother inherits property and rank; in default of 
a brother, the eldest son of the eldest sister. 211 Among the 

203 G. Bonnet Maury, "La Femme Musulmane dans l'Afrique 
Septentrionale Fran^aise, ' ' Eevue Bleue, 3 fevrier, 1906, p. 135. 

204 Giraud-Teulon, p. 168. 

205 Bachofen, Antiquarische Brief e, II, 152. 

206 Hastings' Encyclopedia of Beligion and Ethics, article 
Blood-feud, signed by L. H. Gray. 

207 Giraud-Teulon, p. 34. 

208 Tableau des Origines, p. 18. 

209 Giraud-Teulon, p. 162. 

210 E. Westermarck, Human Marriage, p. 108. 
2ii Starcke, La Famille Primitive, p. 68. 



THE PREVALENCE OF MOTHER-RIGHT 237 

Fantis, the eldest sister's son succeeds to property and rank. 212 
In some tribes of Madagascar the sister's son inherits property, 
political office, and sometimes priestly functions. 213 Among 
the Baronga close relations prevail between maternal uncle and 
nephew, and the latter has numerous claims and rights, even 
to that of inheriting his uncle's widows. 214 

In Polynesia the evidence of present Matriarchy is equally 
striking; the Malays have passed through this stage of devel- 
opment within historical times. 215 The Malay family of today 
consists of the mother and her children — the father is an out- 
sider. 216 Spencer points out kinship through the females 
among the higher Tahitians, and states that " among the Ton- 
gas nobility has always descended by the female line." 217 
In the Fiji Islands the nephew has a remarkable part : in some 
regions he has the right to appropriate to his own use as much 
of the uncle's property as he may desire, but this power is 
given only to those whose uncle has lands or subjects. 218 In 
Sumatra the succession to the chieftainship goes to the sister's 
son, as does property in general. 219 

In South America we are told that nephews formerly in- 
herited in Peru, except in the case of the Incas. 220 

In North America the same practise is found in some of the 
Russian possessions in the Pacific, as well as among various 
tribes of Indians. 221 The family is sometimes continued 
through the women, the father not passing as a relative, so that 
the nephew is more cherished than the son. 222 Among the 

212 Potter, Solirab and Bustem, p. 128. 

213 Giraud-Teulon, p. 34. 

214 Hartland, Primitive Paternity, II, 208. 

215 Dargun, p. 17. 

2i6 Westermarck, p. 39. 

217 Spencer, Sociology, I, 698. 

218 Starcke, p. 91 ff . ; Bachof en, Antiquarische Brief e, II, 97 ff . 
2i9 Spencer, I, 699; Giraud-Teulon, p. 36. 

220 Spencer, I, 710; Giraud-Teulon, p. 36; Dargun, p. 20. 

221 Giraud-Teulon, p. 36 ; Giddings, p. 263. 

222 Dargun, p. 15, after Lafiteau, Moeurs des Sauvages Ameri- 
cains, I, 559. 



238 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Iroquois Indians power and property, even to the tomahawk, 
descended from the chief to the children of his brothers and 
sisters, and not in his own line. 223 In some of the tribes the 
Indian regards his brother's son as his own, his sister's son as 
his nephew, while the woman considers her brother's son her 
nephew and her sister's son her own; the same nomenclature 
prevails also in Hawaii. 224 In British Columbia there is a 
tribe (the Kwakiutl) in which the maternal system has but 
recently become merged into the paternal. 225 

223 Cf. Spencer, I, 698; Giraud-Teulon, p. 36, after Charlevoix, 
V, 395. 

224 Giraud-Teulon, pp. 112, 91 ; this system of nomenclature, 
which is fairly common, is best studied in Morgan's Systems of 
Consanguinity. 

225 w. J. Thomas, Sex and Society, p. 84, after Professor Boas. 



CHAPTER VI 

Conclusion 

This glorification of the nephew has been well established 
by the sociologists as being one of the main features of Matri- 
archy, and its characteristics as seen in the myths and legends 
of the ancients and in primitive eommnnities of various parts 
of the modern world left such distinct traces upon the mediae- 
val mind that they pervade the literature of the Middle Ages. 
Its manifestations vary in different societies, the more prim- 
itive the state of civilization, the looser the bond between hus- 
band and wife and the closer the tie between brother and 
sister, with the resultant elevation in importance of the sister's 
children ; 226 in a later state of society, as the father's functions 
and authority became recognized and the family came to con- 
sist of father, mother, and children, instead of mother, mother's 
brother, and children, the paternal uncle assumed a position 
of equal prominence with the maternal uncle. When the actual 
legal rights of the uncle die out, we find that traces still remain 
in customs and legends in the form of a sentimental survival. 
This is undoubtedly the situation in the French epic. And yet 

226 Cf . the occasional dogma of the epic poet with regard to the 
affection between brother and sister: 

"Li rois i doit Blanceflor corouner, 
Vostre seror, ki molt vos doit amer. ' ' 

(Aliscans, ed. Halle, 2548) 
N'i ot un seul ki li desist salus, 
Nis la roine, dont asses fu vetis ; 
Ki eTt sa suer, amer le deiist plus. 
(Aliscans, 2579) 
' ' Ains aiderai Oreble od le vis cler, 

Ele est ma suer, si le doi molt amer. ' ' 
(Aliscans, 3818) 
239 



240 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

it is doubtful whether the poets of the twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries were aware of the importance that nephew-right 
assumes in their compositions. That such a survival can exist 
without its being apparent is evinced by the contention of 
Bachofen that vestiges of mother-right remained in certain 
Latin beliefs — and yet we find Tacitus expressing surprise at 
the emotional aspect of the uncle and nephew relations among 
the Germanic tribes; Bachofen claimed that among the ancient 
Etruscans the expression nepos luxuriosus a Tuscis dicitur in- 
dicates the pampered condition of the sister's son, and he adds 
that : " Rom verwandelte die Schwestersohnsf amilie in die vater- 
liche, den nepos ex sorore in den nepos ex filio vel filia." 227 
What is certain is that Roman influence affected the ancient 
supremacy of the mother's relatives as seen in the Germanic 
tribes to the extent that nothing remained of it in the Caro- 
lingian period except the tradition. The Salian laws show 
how early it died out. The Merovingian chronicles show traces 
of it in its sentimental aspect, while literature proper keeps 
it up and makes much of it until a late period. 

The early theories of Lubbock and von Hellwald that the 
cause of such predominance of the sister's son in primitive 
communities was uncertainly of paternity due to early com- 
munism in women, and that of Bachofen that it was owing to 
general promiscuity in a' primitive condition of society, have 
been displaced by that of Westermarck, who shows conclusively 
that it was the inevitable result of the practise of Exogamy. 
And Exogamy, according to the latest writers on the subject, is 
the natural outcome of Totemism. Uncertainty of paternity, 
although in some communities an important factor, has in 
general far less effect than ignorance of the principles of pater- 
nity; Hartland has shown that the latter was one of the main 
reasons for early Matriarchy. Since motherhood is in any 
state of society the strongest of all ties, little wonder that the 
mother's clan assumed such importance in the life of the child- 
ren, when Exogamy was so generally rendered necessary on ac- 

227 Bachofen, Antiquarische Brief e, II, 113. 



CONCLUSION 241 

count of the strict laws of Totemism. In primitive tribes of 
today members of the same totem are forbidden to intermarry, 
the children are of the same clan as the mother, and thus the 
practise of tracing descent through the mother's totem is a 
natural outgrowth of marriage outside the clan. It is not sur- 
prising to find a hint of this practise of marrying outside the 
clan surviving in mediaeval literature; nearly every one of the 
French epics has one or more examples of a French hero 
marrying by elopement or by consent a Saracen maid, and the 
custom in poetry at least is so common that it may be con- 
sidered an additional manifestation of matriarchal principles. 
Other peculiarities of the epic show that nephew-right, al- 
though the most important, was not the only phase of prim- 
itive society which persisted in a literary form. The numerous 
allusions to the conception of a son during the first night of 
union suggests many of the ancient folk-tales related by Potter, 
in which a couple meet by chance and separate the next day, 
the woman being left enceinte with a son who later seeks his 
father; this theme is found in the Arthurian cycle as well. 
The custom of Gastfreundscliaft, so common still in many 
primitive tribes, brings about the same result. 228 The many 
allusions, particularly in the Aymeri legends, to the family- 
whole, the lignage, suggest also the days when the individual 
was not an entity, but one of a group, a part of a system. The 
banding together of a vast clan to avenge the common honor 
was pointed out by Flach as illustrative of feudal solidarity; 
in the epic this is noticeable particularly in the Grirart de 
Yienne, where the whole family take up arms to avenge the 
dishonor imposed upon Girart by the Queen; in the Benaut, 
where a numerous kin surrounds the four sons of Aymon; in 

228 Cf . the episode of Lutisse in Ansels de Cartage, the origin of 
Bauduinet, son of Ogier, the episode of Gruischart and Fausete in 
Foucon, the narrative of the diversions of Garin, Berart and 
Eobastre in the castle of Beaufort in Garin de Montglane, and the 
prediction of Elioxe to her husband in the Naissance du Chevalier 
au Cygne. 
17 



242 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

the banding together of the traitors in the various parts of the 
geste devoted to them; and even at the close of the Roland, 
where all of Ganelon's relatives take up his defence. 229 So 
that on the whole, the nephew-manifestation is but one, albeit 
the most important, of several ways in which the epic connects 
itself with prehistoric society. 

It is impossible to decide how much is a matter of tradition 
in the Chansons de Geste, and how much represents the life 
and thought of the periods in which they were composed. The 
belief of Leon Gautier and others that the poems are an exact 
picture of their times is not borne out by the present examina- 
tion of the reciprocal attitude of uncle and nephew. 230 Unless 
corroborated by documents which by their nature imply the 
use of less imagination than do the epic poems, it is not pos- 
sible to assign a definite period to the decline of the maternal 
uncle. Although Roman influence impaired the ancient im- 
portance of the mother's relatives in the Germanic tribes, still 
that importance remained long enough to color both the Ger- 
man and the Carolingian epic; that the fusion of paternal with 
maternal relatives was complete as early as the sixth century 
is brought out in Dargun's discussion of the Salian and the 
Ripuarian laws. 231 On the other hand, the authority of the 
father is disregarded in the French epic, and we find a striking 
conflict of two forces, in which the survival of traditional rela- 
tions seems to predominate throughout the period of epic bloom 
over the actual state of family life; and yet we are told that 
in actual life through the feudal period the relations between 
father and son were based rather upon allegiance than upon 
kinship or any tie of affection : " Generalement les barons du 
moyen age ne temoignaient pas grande affection a leurs enfants 
en bas age, et le jeune gar§on restait jusqu'a six ou huit ans 
entre les mains de sa mere et des femmes du chateau." 232 If 

229 Cf. J. Flach, Origines de VAncienne France, II, 446 ff. 

230 Cf . C. V. Langlois, La Societe Franchise d 'apres dix 
Eomans, p. iv. 

231 Mutterrecht und Baubehe, p. 62 ff. 

232 Ch. de la Paquerie, La Vie Feodale, p. 139. 



CONCLUSION 243 

we may rely upon Tacitus, as far back as his time the legal 
status of the son as heir was fixed upon the Germanic tribes, 
yet the sentimental position of the sister's son was much the 
same as described in our epics. This germ of prehistoric tra- 
dition persisted far into the period of transition. The Mero- 
vingian chronicles certainly do not record such striking in- 
stances of nephew-right as do the popular branches of litera- 
ture; the insular Celtic chronicles however show its actual 
existence in a much later period; the introduction of Chris- 
tianity and of Roman influence among the tribes of the north 
must have been the most important factors in the transition to 
paternal authority. The life of the epic, then, was mainly in 
the past, in that remote period when the sister's son had a 
status different from that of the brother's son, but the period 
of composition was one of transition, when the two nephews 
were being merged into the same degree of relationship. 

The manifestations of nephew-right in the Chansons de 
Geste consist largely of sentimental themes, but of the active 
phases that of the blood-feud assumes the greatest weight, to- 
gether with the constant association of uncle and nephew in 
war. These two features are to be expected, considering the 
consistently martial character of the narrative. Fosterage and 
inheritance receive far less attention at the hands of the poet. 
Among those peoples however where Matriarchy still holds 
sway, or has recently done so, fosterage and inheritance — in 
other words, the legal rights of uncle over nephew and the 
claims of the latter — are the very foundation of the system; 
the other features are but details. The term ' Matriarchy ' is of 
course in itself a misnomer, for the degraded position of women 
is well-known among primitive tribes where mother-right pre- 
vails, while the inferior position of the mediaeval woman is 
equally apparent, yet in the continuation of the family both 
have a part which vastly exceeds that of the father. In fact 
in our mediaeval epic the father is himself of so slight im- 
portance that the heroes are frequently not distinguished by a 
patronymic as in the Greek epic, but rather by the name of 



244 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

their son, as Milon, qui fut pere de Roland; Gauffrey, qui 
engendra Ogier, etc.; "le fils etant devenu celebre avant le 
pere, Fillustration, au lieu de descendre, remontait." 233 The 
main principle of mother-right is the matrilinear tracing of 
descent; we find vestiges of this in the French epic in the con- 
stantly recurring reminders of kinship to the maternal uncle. 
What the poet had in petto we cannot tell, but the direction 
which the nephew as an epic character follows implies a cer- 
tain remoteness from the fundamental reasons for the matri- 
archal system; the tendency to dwell longer upon the more 
romantic aspects of solidarity and mutual affection indicates 
a sub-conscious recognition of the basic element of primitive 
relationship. The direction which nephew-right takes in the 
French epic would tend to strengthen the theory of a popular 
origin; the close resemblance in many features to Germanic 
legends indicates the point of contact, the direct source, while 
the many phases which are found in all popular literatures 
show a remote common origin. The foundation of family life 
as seen in the epic is nephew-right; this is plainly the most 
ancient part of the poems, and the inference is that all else 
was of gradual growth, the stories developing and expanding, 
while the primitive core remains until the period when pater- 
nity became actually of such authority that the mediaeval 
mind could no longer appreciate the glorification of the rela- 
tions between maternal uncle and nephew, and the theme 
dropped out of literature. Each legend, then, would be the 
heritage of remote antiquity, an edifice which was the work 
of many hands so unceasingly engaged in extending it that 
even after many generations have been engaged upon it no 
jointure is discoverable, and the whole is the assimilation of 
more periods than one could tell. 

233 E. Pey, Preface to Boon de Mayence, p. iv, note. 



APPENDIX A 

Formulas of Identification of the Sister's Son 

(A few examples collected to show the conventional ierms em- 
ployed by the poets) 

1. Roland. 

Et li rois Guis tantost fait mander dame Gile : 
Cele ert suer Karlemaine, le roi de Saint Denise, 
Et fame Ganelon, qui li cors Dieu maudie, 
Et ert mere Rollant a la chiere hardie. 

(Gui de Bourgogne, 1589) 
C'est Gile la duchoise, au gent cors onore, 
Qui suer est Karlemaine, le fort roi kerone, 
Et fame Ganelon, le eompaignon Hardre, 
Et est mere Rollant, le chevalier menbre. 

(Gui de Bourgogne, 2920) 
" Te donnay famine Bagueheut la gentis : 
Ma serour est la belle o le cler vis; 
Or en est veusve et Rolend orphelins." 

(Aquin, 1002) 
" Sire/' dist li valles, " Rollans m'apele on, 
Et fu nes en Bretaigne, tot droit a saint Fagon. 
Fix sui vostre seror a la clere fagon 
Et li buen due d'Angiers c'on apele Milon." 

(Renaut, p. 119, 34) 

2. Baudoin. 

"De par moi saluez le maine ampereor; 
A Baudoin me dites, le fil de sa seror, 
Qu'il gart bien sa saignie jusq'au trezisme jor." 

(Saisnes, CXXIV, 23) 
Baudoin apela, le fil de sa seror . . . 
" Dame," ee dit li rois, " ci a i. poigneor ; 
245 



246 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Assez est riches liom, fiz est de ma seror." 
(Saisnes, CCV, 12, 16) 

3. Gui de Bourgogne. 

" Ves Sanson de Borgoigne, qui gentils est et ber, 
S'a la serour Karlon, le fort roi corone, 
Et si en a li dus .i. vallet angendre." 

{Gui de Bourgogne, 216) 
" Sanses," dist l'eniperere, " par la vertu du ciel, 
Je quit c'est vostre fis et de vostre moillier; 
Maris estes ma suer, je quit qu'il est mes nies." 

{Gui de Bourgogne, 3166) 
Et Guion de Bourgoigne a a lui apelle : 
Fils ert de sa seror et de sa parente : 
" Cosins, vous en irres socoure la cite." 

{Destruction de Rome, 1179) 

4. Anse'is de Carthage. 

Ripeus fu le septiesme, qui moult ot de renon, 
Qui fu pere Anse'is, fix de la suer Kallon. 
{Gaufrey, 100) 

5. Nephews of Guillaume. 

" Viuien sire ia es tu de icel lin 
En grant bataille nus deis ben maintenir 
Ia fustes fiz Boeue cornebut al marchis 
Nez de la fille al bon cunte Aimeris 
Nefs Willame al curbnies le marchis 
En grant bataille nus deis ben maintenir." 

{Willame, 295) 
Del feu se drecet dune uns suens nies danz Gui: 
Cil fut fiz Bueve Cornebut le marchis, 
Nez de la fille al prou cunte Aimeri, 
E nies Guillelme al curb nes le marchis, 
E frere fut Vivien le hardi. 

{Willame, ed. Suchier, 1438) 
Del altre part fu Rainald de peiter 



IDENTIFICATION OF SISTER'S SON 247 

Vn sun neuov de sa sorur primer. 

(Willame, 2540) 
Li cuens Guillaumes en apela Gautier, 
Le Tolosan, einsi l'o'i noncier, 
Fil de sa suer, un gentill chevalier. 

{C ouronnement, 1646) 
Li bers Guillaumes fu molt preus et hardis. 
II en apele et Gerbert et Jerin: 
Si neveu furent et de sa seror fil. 

(C ouronnement, 1392) 

6. Aiol. 

" Mais il n'i ara eertes plus franc de vous, 
Car vos estes li nies Penperreour, 
Jel sai bien a fiance, flex sa serour." 

{Aiol, 188) 
Loeys fu a piet entre ses drus, 
Li fieus de sa seror Tot abatu. 

{Aiol, 3385) 
"Voir on m'apele Aiol: mes peres est Elie; 
Nies sui l'enpereor qui Franche a en baillie; 
Je suis fieus sa seror la gentil dame Avisse." 

{Aiol, 5392) 
" Mes peres a non Elie a la clere f achon, 
Ma mere ert vostre seur, fille le roi Charlon." 

{Aiol, 8099) 
" Rois, je sui nes de France, des vaillans et des mieus, 
Et nies l'enpereor, Loeys le guerrier. 
Je sui fieus sa seror, dame Avisse al vis fier; 
Elie est mes peres, li viellars chevaliers." 

{Aiol, 10250) 

7. Baoul de Cambrai. 

11 Comment poroie esgarder eel glouton 
Qi mon neveu ocist en trai'son ? 
Fix ert vo suer, qe de' fit le seit on." 
{Baoul, 4867) 



248 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Ieil Raous, Seignor, que je vos di, 
Be la seror fu le roi Loeiz. 
{Mort Garin, 3694) 

8. Foucon. 

" S'a pris mari outre noz volentez, 
Nies Vivien et de sa seror nez." 

{Foucon, ed. Schultz-Gora, 4629) 
Et cil li conte com li sors fu jete, 
Et de Foukon, qui tant est redoutes, 
Nies Vivien, et de sa seror nes. 

(Foucon, ms. de Boulogne, fol. 213 r°; the third 
verse would follow 880 of Schultz-Gora) 

9. Beinier de Termes. 

Enmi la rote a encontre Reinier; 
Nez fu de Termes de la seror Gautier . . . 
Paranz Guischart, nies Guion, filz Gautier. 
(Foucon, 3350, 8484) 

10. Joffroi, nephew of Bertrand. 

Joffroi, lo fil Rogier; 
Ses parenz iere de la seror Gelier . . . 
Joffroiz ot non, si ert nies Ernays. 
(Foucon, 7443, 9126) 

11. Garin and his brothers, nephews of the King of Lombardy. 

Ce dist Garin : " Oncles, entandez §a ! 
Vez les anfans q'Aymeris angendra, 
Et Herman j art vostre suer les porta." 
(Narbonnais, 2091) 

12. Coine. 

Et Charles laise corre le destrier abrive, 
Si ala ferir Coine en son escu liste. 
Icil fu nies Girart et de sa seror ne. 
(Benaut, p. 33, 35) 

13. Gontier, nephew of Hug on. 

De Fautre part fut danz Guntiers, 



IDENTIFICATION OF SISTER'S SON 249- 

Cil qui fut ja sis escuiers, 
Fiz sa serur, si ert sis niez. 

(Gormond et Isembard, 327) 

14. Hernaut. 

" Qui l'a done mort ? " Droes lui respondit, 
" Par ma f oi, sire, li nies au due Garin, 
Hernaus d'Orliens, qui fu fils Heloi." 
(Garin, I, 149) 

15. Nephews of Ybert. 

Ybers apela Bernier par amor, 
Et en apres le fil de sa serour, 
Et ces .ij. freres qui sont bon poigneor, 
Wedon de Roie, Loeys le menor. 
{Baoul, 4130) 

16. Gilebert, nephew of Elie. 

" Un neven ai en France qu'est tes parens, 
II est fiex ma seror dame Hersent; 
S'a a non Gilebers o le cor gent, 
Si guerroie le roi u France apent." 
(Aiol, 332) 

17. Nephews of Gamier. 

La bataille fu prise et li gage donne. 
Ez Girart de Rivier ou descent au degre, 
Qui tint Hui et Naumur et Dinant et Ruise. 
Et cil fu niez Gamier et de sa seror nez. 

(Aye d' Avignon, 296) 
" Diva ! Estes vous freres, qui si vos resenblez ? n 
Et respont Aulori : " Cosins sommes charnez, 
Car nous sommes de freres et de .II. serors nez, 
Neveu le due Gamier de Nentuel la cite." 

(Aye, 3424) 

18. Nephew of Makaire. 

Uns des neveus Makaire i est ales: 
Fieus fu de sa seror, ch'oi conter. 
(Aiol, 4492) 



250 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

19. Nephew of Fromont. 

Et va ferir Morant le fil Barre. 
Nies fu Fromont et de sa seror nes. 
(Jourdains, 200) 

20. Buevon, nephew of Milon. 

II estoit ses cosins et de sa seror nez. 
(P arise, 664) 

21. Nephew of Ganelon. 

.1. damoisel i ot, Hervieu Fapeloit on, 
Fix fu de la seror au cuvert Guenelon. 
(Gui de Nanteuil, 197) 

22. Plantol, nephew of King Lotaire. 

Molt l'ama; ses nies ert, de sa seror joie. 
{Elioxe, 1640) 

23. Saracen and foreign nephews. 

A Clariun le roi en est cascuns ales : 

Cil ert nies l'amirant et de sa sereur nes. 

{Fierdbras, 4064) 
.i. mien cousin m'ocist ier au joster, 
Sorbrins ot nom, fix de ma seror ert. 

(Huon de Bordeaux, 7883) 
Baudamas son neveu isnelement apele; 
Fiz est de sa seror Odierne la bele. 

(Saisnes, CIII, 20) 
Cuida Caanins fust, fiz de sa seror Aiglante. 

(Saisnes, CXXIX, 6) 
" Perdu as Eseorf an, le fiz de ta serour." 

(Floovant, 595) 
A tant es vos Goniot d'Alemengne, 
Nies Savari de sa seror germaine. 

(Aymeri, 1775) 
Por la bataille vint Brujant li membres 
.i. jovenes turs qui molt avoit nertes 
Nies fu le roi Jermont se sa seror portes. 

(Enfanees Vivien, 4409) 



IDENTIFICATION OF SISTER'S SON 251 

Un espie portent par moult ruiste freor, 
Dont si ont mort maint gentil vavasor, 
Lui et Tacon, le fil de sa seror. 

(Aliscans, ed. Jonekbloet, 39) 
N'ot si fort homme jusqu'a la nier betee, 
Fors Renoart fils sa seror, Vainz nee. 

(Aliscans, ed. Jonekbloet, 293) 
Nies Renoart, fiz sa seror Vainz nee. 

(Aliscans, ed. Jonekbloet, 5377) 
Cele nuit les conroie Estatins l'esnases, 
Drus fu l'empereor et de sa seror nes. 

(Antioche, II, 74) 
Cel jour prissent li nostre Famiral des Escles, 
Au tref Huon le Maine la f u emprisones, 
Nies estoit Garsion et de sa seror nes; 
Sachies quant le saura moult en iert adoles. 

(Antioche, IV, 1012) 



APPENDIX B 

Bibliography 

(Contains only works utilized) 

(a) Chansons de Geste 

Acquin. Le Roman d'Aquin, ou la Conqueste de la Bretaigne 
par le Roy Charlemaigne. Chanson de Geste du XII° 
Siecle, publiee par F. Joiion des Longrais. Nantes, 1880 
(Soc. des Bib. Bretons). 
3,087 verses. 

Aiol. Aiol, Chanson de Geste publiee d'apres le ms. unique de 
Paris, par Jacques Normand et Gaston Raynaud. Paris, 
1887 (Soc. des Anc. Textes Fran§.). 
10,983 verses. 

Aliscans. (a) Aliscans, Kritischer Text von Erich Wienbeck, 
Wilhelm Hartnacke, Paul Rasch. Halle, 1903. 

(b) Guillaume d'Orange, Chansons de Geste des XI° et 
XII siecles, publiees pour la premiere fois par M. W. 
J. A. Jonckbloet, 2 vol., La Haye, 1854. La Bataille 
d'Aleschans, Vol. I, pp. 215^27. 
8,057 verses. 

Amis. Amis et Amiles und Jourdains de Blaivies, zwei alt- 

franzosische Heldengedichte des Karolingischen Sagen- 

kreises. Naeh der Pariser Handschrift zum ersten Male 

herausgegeben von K. Hoffmann. 2° ed., Erlangen, 1882. 

3,504 verses. 

Anseis de Cartage. Ansei's von Karthago, herausgegeben von 
J. Alton. Tubingen, 1892 (Bib. des Litt. Vereins in Stutt- 
gart, CXCIV). 
11,607 verses. 

252 



I 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 253 

Anseis de Mes. (a) Die Bruchstiieke der noch ungedruckten 
Chanson d'Ansei's de Mes, aus den Archives von Saint- 
Hubert im belgischen Staatsdepot zu Arlon: L 12, nebst 
umschliessendem wie verbindendem Texte und Varianten 
der Pariser Hss. LSN, der entsprechenden Stelle der 
Pariser Prosa a, den letzten Kapiteliiberschriften der 
Briisseler Prosa b und Beschriebung einer neuen Loth- 
ringer Hs. in Lille veroffentlicht von E. Stengel. Greifs- 
wald, 1904. 

1,433 verses. 

(b) Ansei's de Mes. Der Sehlussteil der Chanson d'An- 
sei's de Mes, nach den Hss. LSN in Paris und U in Rom 
veroffentlieht von E. Stengel. Greifswald, 1909. 

1,783 verses. 

Antioche. La Chanson d'Antioehe, eomposee au commence- 
ment du XII° siecle par le Pelerin Richard, renouvelee 
sous le regne de Philippe Auguste par Graindor de Douay. 
Publiee pour la premiere fois par Paulin Paris. 2 vol., 
Paris, 1848 (Romans des Douze Pairs). 
8,970 verses. 

Aspremont. Der Roman von Aspremont, altfranzosisch, aus 
der Handschrift der Kl. Bibliothek (Ms, Gall. 4° 48) ab- 
geschrieben von Hrn. Bekker. (In: Philologische und 
historische Abhandlungen der Konigliehen Akademie der 
Wissenschaft zu Berlin^ 1847.) 
3,854 verses. 

Auberi. (a) Le Roman d'Aubery le Bourgoing, edition Tarbe. 
Reims, 1849 (Coll. des Poetes de Champagne anterieurs 
au XYI° siecle, Vol. 6). 

5,285 verses. 

(b) Mittheilungen aus Altfranzosischen Handschriften, 
von A. Tobler. I. Aus der Chanson de Geste von Auberi, 
nach einer Vaticanischen Handschrift. Leipsig, 1870. 

7,883 verses. 



254 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Aye d' Avignon. Aye d' Avignon, Chanson de Geste publiee 
pour la premiere fois d'apres le ms. unique de Paris, par 
F. Guessard et P. Meyer. Paris, 1861 (Anc. Poetes de la 
France) . 
4,136 verses. 

Aymeri. Aymeri de Narbonne, Chanson de Geste publiee 
d'apres les mss. de Londres et de Paris, par Louis De- 
maison. 2 vol., Paris, 1887 (Soe. d'anc. Textes frang.). 
4,703 verses. 

Berta. Berta de li Gran Pie, publie par M. A. Mussafia, dans 
la Romania, III (1874), pp. 339-365, IV (1875), pp. 
91-107. 

1,750 verses. 

Berta e Milone. Berta e Milone, publie par M. A. Mussafia, 
dans la Romania, XIV (1885), pp. 177-192. 
441 verses. 

Berte. (a) Li Roumans de Berte aus grans pies, par Adenes 
li Rois. Poeme publie d'apres le ms. de la Bibliotheque de 
F Arsenal, avec notes et variantes, par A. Scheler. Brux- 
elles, 1874. 

3,482 verses. 

(b) Li Roumans de Berte aus grans pies, precede d'une 
dissertation sur les romans des douze pairs, par M. Paulin 
Paris. Paris, 1836 (Romans des Douze Pairs). 

3,469 verses. 

Boeve de Haumtone. Der Anglonormannische Boeve de 
Haumtone, zum ersten Male herausgegeben, von Albert 
Stimming. Halle, 1899 (Bibliotheca Normannica). 
3,850 verses. 

Cantari. Cantari Cavallereschi dei Secoli XV e XVI, Rac- 
eolti e pubblicati da Giorgio Barini. Bologna, 1905. 

Castres. Le Siege de Castres, Fragment publie par M. EL 
Suchier, dans les Romanische Studien, I, v, (1875), 589- 
593. 

128 verses. 



BIBLIOGEAPHY 255 

Charroi. Guillaume d'Orange, pub. par Jonckbloet (see 
Aliscans). Li Charrois de Nymes, Vol. I, pp. 73-111. 
1,471 verses. 

Chevalerie Ogier. La Chevalerie Ogier de Danemarche, par 
Raimbert de Paris. Poeme du XII ° siecle publie pour la 
premiere fois d'apres le ms. de Marcnoutier et le ms. 2729 
de la Bibliotheque du Roi. 2 vol., Paris, 1842 (Romans 
des Douze Pairs de France). 
13,058 verses. 

Chevalerie Vivien. La Chevalerie Vivien, Chanson de Geste 
publiee par A. L. Terracher. I, Textes, Paris, Champion, 
1909. (See also Covenant.) 

Commarchis. Bueves de Commarchis, par Adenes li Rois, 
publie par A. Scheler. Bruxelles, 1874. 3946 verses. 

Cordres. La Prise de Cordres et de Sebille, Chanson de Geste 
du XIII siecle publiee d'apres le ms. unique de la Biblio- 
theque Nationale par 0. Densusianu. Paris, 1896 (Soc. 
des Anciens Textes f rang. ) . 
3,793 verses. 

Couronnement. Guillaume d'Orange, pub. par Jonckbloet 
(see Aliscans). Li Coronemens Looys, Vol. I, pp. 1-71. 
2,679 verses. 

Covenant. Guillaume d'Orange, pub. par Jonckbloet (see 
Aliscans). Li Covenans Vivien, Vol. I, pp. 163-213. 
1,918 verses. 

Deliverance Ogier. La Deliverance d' Ogier le Danois, frag- 
ment d'une Chanson de Geste. A. de Longperier, Journal 
des Savants, 1876, pp. 219-293. 
213 verses. 

Destruction de Rome. La Destruction de Rome, Premiere 
Branche de la Chanson de Geste de Fierabras, publiee par 
M. G. Groeber, dans la Romania, II (1873), pp. 1-48. 
1,750 verses. 



256 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Doon de Mayence. Doon de Maience, Chanson de Geste 
publiee pour la premiere fois d'apres les mss. de Mont- 
pellier et de Paris, par E. Rey. Paris, 1859 (Anc. Poetes 
de la France). 
11,505 verses. 

Doon de Nanteuil. La Chanson de Doon de Nanteuil. 
Fragments inedits, publies par M. P. Meyer, dans la 
Romania, XIII (1884), pp. 1-26. 
220 verses. 

Elie. Elie de Saint-Gilles, Chanson de Geste publiee avec In- 
troduction, Glossaire et Index par Gaston Raynaud, ac- 
compagnee de la redaction norvegienne traduite par 
Eugene Koelbing. Paris, 1879 (Soc. des Anc. Textes 
Frang.). 
2,761 verses. 

Elioxe. La Naissance du Chevalier au Cygne, ou les Enfants 
changes en Cygnes. French Poem of the Xllth Century. 
Published for the first time, together with an inedited prose 
version from the mss. of the National and Arsenal Libra- 
ries at Paris, with Introduction, Notes and Vocabulary, by 
Henry Alfred Todd. Baltimore, 1889 (Modern Language 
Publications, Vol. IV). 
3,500 verses. 

Enfances Ogier. Les Enfanees Ogier, par Adenes Li Rois, 
Poeme publie pour la premiere fois d'apres un ms. de la 
Bibliotheque de P Arsenal et annote par Auguste Scheler. 
Bruxelles, 1874. 
3,229 verses. 

Enfances Vivien. Les Enfanees Vivien, Chanson de Geste 
publiee pour la premiere fois d'apres les mss. de Paris, de 
Boulogne-sur-Mer, de Londres et de Milan, par C. Wah- 
lund et H. von Feilitzen. Precedee d'une these de doctorat, 
servant d'Introduction, par A. Nordfelt. Upsala et Paris, 
1895. 

5,204 verses. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 257 

Fierabras. Fierabras, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la pre- 
miere f ois d'apres les mss. de Paris, de Rome et de Londres, 
par A. Kroeber et G. Servois. Paris, 1860 (Anc. Poetes 
de la France). 
6,219 verses. 

Floovant. Floovant, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la pre- 
miere fois d'apres le ms. unique de Montpellier, par MM. 
H. Michelant et F. Guessard. Paris, 1858 (Anc. Poetes de 
la France, in vol. with Gui de Bourgogne and Otinel). 
2,533 verses. 

Foucon. (a) Le Roman de Foulque de Candie, par Herbert 
Leduc, de Dammartin. Edition Tarbe. Reims, 1860 (Col- 
lection des Poetes de Champagne anterieurs au XVI ° 
Siecle). 

4,832 verses. 

(b) Folque de Candie, von Herbert Le Due de Dan- 
martin, nach den festlandischen Handschriften zum ersten 
Mai vollstandig herausgegeben, von 0. Schultz-Gora. 
Band I, Dresden, 1909 ( Gesellschaf t fur Romanische 
Literatur). 

9,882 verses. 

Garin. Li Romans de Garin le Loherain, publie pour la pre- 
miere fois et precede par l'examen du systeme de M. Fau- 
riel sur les Romans Carlovingiens. 2 vol., Paris, 1833- 
1835 (Romans des Douze Pairs). 
9,823 verses. 

Gaufrey. Gaufrey, Chanson de Geste publiee pour la pre- 
miere fois d'apres le ms. unique de Montpellier par F. 
Guessard et P. Chabaille. Paris, 1859 (Les Anc. Poetes 
de la France). 
10,371 verses. 

Gaydon. Gaydon, Chanson de Geste, publiee pour la pre- 
miere fois d'apres les trois mss. de Paris par MM. F. 
Guessard et S. Luce. Paris, 1862 (Anc. Poetes de la 
France). 

10,887 verses. 
18 



258 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Gerbert. (a) Die Befreiung Narbonne's durch Gerbert de 
Mes, Episode aus dem Schlussteil der Chanson de Gerbert 
de Mes. E. Stengel, Zeitschrift fiir franz. Sprache und 
Lit., XXIII, ii, 271-301. 
473 verses. 

(b) See: Kaoul de Cambrai, ed. Meyer et Longnon, pp. 
297-320, un fragment du ms. Bib. nat. fr. 1622 de la Chan- 
son de Girbert de Metz. 

Girart de Roussillon. (a) Le Roman en vers de Girart de 
Rossillon, publie pour la premiere fois d'apres les mss. 
de Paris, de Sens et de Troyes, par Mignard. Paris, 1858. 
6,712 verses. 

(b) Girart de Roussillon, Chanson de Geste, traduite 
pour la premiere fois, par Paul Meyer. Paris, Champion, 
1884. 

Girart de Vienne. Le Roman de Girart de Viane, par Ber- 
trand de Bar-sur-Aube. Reims, 1850 (Coll. des Poetes de 
Champagne anterieurs au XVI Siecle, Vol. 16). 
6,318 verses. 

Gormond et Isembard. Fragment de Gormund et Isembard, 
Text nebst Einleitung, Aumerkungen und vollstandigem 
Wortindex, von Robert Heiligbrodt. Romanische Studien, 
Band III (1878), pp. 501-596. 
661 verses. 

Gui de Bourgogne. Gui de Bourgogne, Chanson de Geste pub- 
liee pour la premiere fois d'apres les mss. de Tours et de 
Londres, par F. Guessard at H. Miehelant. Paris, 1858 
(Ane. Poetes de la France, in vol. with Otinel and Floo- 
vant). 

4,394 verses. 

Gin de Nanteuil. Gui de Nanteuil, Chanson de Geste publiee 
pour la premiere fois d'apres les deux mss. de Montpellier 
et de Venise, par P. Meyer. Paris, 1861 (Anc. Poetes de 
la France). 
3,019 verses. 



BIBLIOGEAPHY 259 

Huon. Huon de Bordeaux, Chanson de Geste publiee pour 
la premiere fois d'apres les mss. de Tours, de Paris et de 
Turin, par F. Guessard et C. Grandmaison. Paris, 1860 
(Les Anc. Poetes de la France). 
10,495 verses. 

Jourdain. Jourdains de Blaivies. Ed. Hoffmann, in vol. with 
Amis et Amiles. 
4,245 verses. 

Mainet. Mainet, Fragments d'une Chanson de Geste du XII 
sieele, publies par G. Paris, dans la Romania, IV (1875), 
pp. 305-337. 
946 verses. 

Montage Guillaume. Le Moniage Guillaume, les Deux Re- 
dactions en Vers. Chansons de Geste du XII° Sieele. 
Publiees d'apres tous les mss. eonnus, par Wilhelm 
Cloetta. Tome Premier, Paris, 1906 (Soc. des Anc. Textes 
Frang.). 
7,763 verses. 

Mort Aymeri. La Mort Aymeri de Narbonne, Chanson de 
Geste, publiee d'apres les mss. de Londres et de Paris par 
J. Couraye du Pare. Paris, 1884 (Soc. des Anc. Textes 
Frang.). 
4,176 verses. 

Mort Batjdtjinet. Balduins Tod, Episode aus dem altfran- 
zosisehen Ogier-Epos nach den Handschriften und Bear- 
beitungen mitgeteilt von Dr. Carl Voretzsch. Tubingen, 
1910. 

372 verses. 

Mort Garin. La Mort de Garin le Loherain, poeme du XII 
sieele, publie pour la premiere fois, d'apres douze mss., 
par M. Edelestand du Meril. Paris, 1846 (Romans des 
Douze Pairs de France). 
4,810 verses. 



260 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Narbonnais. Les Narbonnais, Chanson de Geste publiee pour 
la premiere f ois, par Hermann Suchier. 2 vol., Paris, 1898 
(Soc. des Anc. Textes Fran§.). 
8,063 verses. 

Nerbonesi. Le Storie Nerbonesi, Romanzo Cavalleresco del 
Secolo XIV, pubblicato per cura di I. G. Isola. 2 vol., 
Bologna. 

Orange. Guillaume d'Orange, pub. par Jonckbloet (see 
Aliscans). Vol. I, pp. 113-162, La Prise d'Orenge. 
1,888 verses. 

Orlandino. Orlandino, publie par M. A. Mussafia, dans la 
Romania, XIV (1885), pp. 192-206. 
475 verses. 

Otinel. Otinel, Chanson de Geste, publiee pour la premiere 
fois, d'apres les mss. de Rome et de Middlehill, par MM. 
F. Guessard et H.' Michelant. Paris, 1858 (Anc. Poetes 
de la France, in vol. with Gui de Bourgogne and Floo- 
vant). 

2,133 verses. 

Parise. Parise la Duchesse, Chanson de Geste, deuxieme 
edition, revue et corrigee d'apres le ms. unique de Paris, 
par MM. F. Guessard et L. Larchey. Paris, 1860. (Anc. 
Poetes de la France). 
3,107 verses. 

Pelerinage. Karls des Grossen Reise nach Jerusalem und 
Constantinople. Ein altfranzosisches Heldengedicht, her- 
ausgegeben von E. Koschwitz. 4te Auflage, Leipsig, 1900. 
870 verses. 

Raoul. Raoul de Cambrai, Chanson de Geste publiee par MM. 
P. Meyer et A. Longnon. Paris, 1882 (Soc. des Anc. 
Textes Frang.). 
3,726 verses. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 261 

Reali. Li Reali di Francia, nei quali si eontiene la Genera- 
zione degli Imperadori, Re, Principi, Baroni e Paladini con 
la bellissima Istoria di Buovo di Antona. Edizione per la 
prima volta purgata da infiniti errori. Venezia, 1821 
(Ed. di Gamba). 

Renaut. Renaus de Montauban, oder die Haimonskinder. 
Altfranzosisches Gedicht, nach den Handschriften zum 
erstenmal herausgegeben, von Dr. Heinrich Michelant. 
Stuttgart, 1862 (Bib. des litt. Vereins, vol. LXVII). 
17,278 verses. 

Roland. La Chanson de Roland, Texte critique, Traduction 
et Commentaire, Grammaire, et Glossaire, par Leon 
Gautier. Tours, Alfred Mame et Fils. 
4,002 verses. 

Saisnes. La Chanson des Saxons par Jean Bodel, publiee 
pour la premiere fois par F. Michel. 2 vol., Paris, 1839 
(Romans des Douze Pairs). 
8,046 verses. 

Syracon. Syracon, Fragment publie par M. E. Stengel, dans 
les Romanische Studien, I, v, (1873), pp. 399-406. 
184 verses. 

Vivien. Vivien de Monbranc, Note sur deux mss. des Fils 
Aymon, F. Castets, Revue des Langues Romanes, Vol. 31 
(1887), pp. 49-^8. 
126 verses. 

Willame. (a) La Chancun de Willame, published anony- 
mously at the Chiswick Press, London, 1903. 
3,553 verses. 

(fc) Chancun de Guillelme, herausgegeben von Hermann 
Suchier, Halle, 1911 (Bibliotheca Normannica). 
1,983 verses. 



262 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

(b) General Works 

H. d'Arbois de Jubainville: Cours de Litterature Celtique, 
Vol. 7, Paris, 1895. 

H. d'Arbois de Jubainville: La Famille Celtique, Etude de 
Droit Compare. Paris, Bouillon, 1905. 221 pp. 

J. J. Bachofen : Antiquarische Brief e, vornehmlick zur Kennt- 
niss der altesten Verwandtscbaftsbegriffe. 2 vol., Strass- 
burg, 1880-1886. 

J. J. Bachofen: Das Mutterreeht. Eine Untersucbung iiber 
die Gynokratie der alten Welt naeb ibrer religiosen und 
recbtlichen Natur. 2te unveranderte Auflage. Basel, 
1897. 

Joseph Bedier : Les Legendes Epiques, Reebercbes sur la For- 
mation des Cbansons de Geste. I, Le Cycle de Guillaume 
d' Orange. II, Le Cycle de Cbarlemagne. Paris, Cbam- 
pion, 1908. [Ill, IV, Paris, 1913] 

Caesar: De Bello Gallico. 

W. Cloetta: Die Enfances Vivien, ibre Ueberlieferung, ibre 
cykliscbe Stellung. Berlin, 1898. 

Ernest Crowley: Tbe Mystic Rose. London, 1902. 

Rudolph Dareste: Etudes d'Histoire de Droit. Paris, 1889. 
417 pp. 

Dr. Lothar Dargun : Mutterrecbt und Raubebe und ibre Reste 
im germaniscben Recbt und Leben. Breslau, 1883. 161 
pp. 

J. W. Determann: Episcbe Verwandtscbaften im altfranzo- 
siscben Volksepos. Diss, zu Gottingen. Burg, 1887. 
48 pp. 

Georges Dottin: Manuel pour servir a FEtude de PAntiquite 
Celte. Paris, Cbampion, 1906. 

Eginhard: Les Oeuvres, traduites par Alexandre Teulet. La 
Vie de Cbarlemagne; Les Annales. Paris, Didot, 1856. 
340 pp. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 263 

Joseph Falk : Etude Sociale sur les Chansons de Geste. These 
^pour le Doctoral Upsala, Nykoping, 1899. 137 pp. 

Ferd. Fellinger : Das Kind in der Altf ranzosiscken Literatur. 
Gottingen, 1908. 199 pp. 

Jacques Flach: Le Compagnonnage dans les Chansons de 
Geste. In: Etudes Romanes dediees a Gaston Paris, pp. 
141-180. Paris, 1891. 

Jacques Flach: Les Origines de PAncienne France, Dixieme 
et Onzieine Siecles. 2 vol., Paris, 1886. 475+584 pp. 

Charles Galy : La Famille a l'Epoque Merovingienne, d'apres 
les recits de Gregoire de Tours. These de Droit. Paris, 
Larose, 1901. 425 pp. 

Leon Gautier: La Chevalerie. Nouvelle Edition, Paris, Dela- 
grave, 1884. 850 pp. 

Leon Gautier: Les Epopees Franchises. Etude sur les ori- 
gines et l'histoire de la litterature nationale. Paris, 1882. 
4 vol. 

J. Geddes, Jr.: La Chanson de Roland. A Modern French 
Translation of Theodor Muller's Text of the Oxford Manu- 
script, with Introduction, Bibliography, Notes, and Index, 
Map, Illustrations, and Manuscript Readings. New York, 
Maemillan, 1906. clx + 316 pp. 

F. H. Giddings : Principles of Sociology. New York, Maemil- 

lan, 1896. 476 pp. 

Alexis Giraud-Teulon : Les Origines de la Famille, Ques- 
tions sur les Antecedents des Soeietes Patriarchales. 
Paris, Fischbacher, 1874. 288 pp. ■ 

Gregoire de Tours et Fredegaire: Histoire de France, Tra- 
duction de M. Guizot. Nouvelle Edition, Paris, 1862. 
2 vol. 

G. Grober: Grundriss der Romanischen Philologie. 2te 
Auflage, Strassburg, 1904-06. 



264 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Georg Grupp: Kultur der alten Kelten und Germanen, mit 
einer Riickblick auf die Urgeschichte. Miinchen, 1905. 
319 pp. 

P. Guilhiermoz : Essai sur POrigine de la Noblesse en France 
au Moyen Age. Paris, Picard, 1902. 502 pp. 

Francis B. Gummere: The Sister's Son (in the English and 
Scottish Popular Ballads). In: An English Miscellany, 
presented to Dr. Furnivall in Honour of his Seventy-fifth 
Birthday. Oxford, 1901, pp. 133-149. 

W. M. Hart : Ballad and Epic. Harvard Studies and Notes in 
Philology and Literature, vol. XI (1907). 

Edwin Sidney Hartland: Primitive Paternity. The Myth 
of Supernatural Birth in Relation to the History of the 
Family. London, David Nutt, 1909. 2 vol. 325 + 
328 pp. 

James Hastings: An Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. 
Article on Blood-feud, vol. 2. New York, Scribners, 1910. 

Eleanor Hull: The Cuchullin Saga in Irish Literature. Be- 
ing a Collection of Stories relating to the Hero Cuchullin, 
translated from the Irish by various Scholars. Compiled 
and edited, with Introduction and Notes. London, David 
Nutt, 1898. lxxix + 316 pp. 

A. Jeanroy: Notes sur la Legende de Vivien. Romania, 
XXVI (1897). 

P. W. Joyce: A Social History of Ancient Ireland. London, 
Longmans, Green & Co., 1907. 2 vol. 

J. Kluge : Etymologisches Worterbuch, article Neffe. Seventh 
edition, Strassburg, 1910. 

Louis J. Koenigswarter : Histoire de FOrganisation de la 
Famille en France, depuis les temps les plus recules 
jusqu'a nos jours. Paris, 1851. 371 pp. 

Maxime Kovalevsky: Modern Customs and Ancient Laws of 
Russia. Being the Ilchester Lectures for 1889-'90. Lon- 
don, David Nutt, 1891. 260 pp. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 265 

Maxime Kovalevsky: Tableau des Origines et de l'Evolution 
de la Famille et de la Propriete. Stockholm, 1890. 
202 pp. 

A. Lang : Article Family in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th 
Edition. 

A. Lang: History of Scotland from the Roman Occupation. 
4 vol. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1900. 

A. Lang: Homer and his Age. London, 1906. 336 pp. 

Ch. V. Langlois: La Societe Francaise au XIII Siecle, 
d'apres dix romans d'aventure. Paris, Hachette, 1904. 
328 pp. 

Ernest Langlois: Table des Noms Propres de toute nature 
compris dans les Chansons de Geste imprimees. Paris, 
1904. 674 pp. 

Gu stave Lanson: Histoire de la Litterature Franchise. 11° 
Edition, Paris, 1909. 1204 pp. 

Julius Lippert: Kulturgeschiehte der Menschheit in ihrem 
organischen Aufbau. Stuttgart, 1887. 2 vol. 643 -f- 
656 pp. 

Montesquieu: Esprit des Lois; Livre XVIII, Chap. XXII. 
Edition 1820. 

Lewis H. Morgan: Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of 
the Human Family. Washington, 1878. 590 pp. (Smith- 
sonian Institution Contributions to Human Knowledge, 
Vol. 17). 

W. A. Nitze: The Sister's Son and the Conte del Graal. Re- 
printed from Modern Philology for January, 1912, Vol. 
IX, No. 3. 32 pp. 

Cristoforo Nyrop: Storia dell' Epopea Francese nel Medio 
Evo, prima traduzione dall' originale danese di Egidio 
Gorra. Torino, 1888. 495 pp. 

Ch. de la Paquerie: La Vie Feodale en France du IX° siecle 
a la fin du XV°. Tours, Cattier, 1900. 283 pp. 



266 UNCLE AND NEPHEW 

Gaston Paeis: Histoire Poetique de Charlemagne. 2me Edi- 
tion. Paris, 1905. 554 pp. 

Gaston Paeis : La Litterature Franchise au Moyen Age. 3me 
Edition. Paris, Haehette. 344 pp. 

Gaston Paris et Alphonse Bos : La Vie de Saint Gilles, par 
Guillaume de Berneville, poeme du XII ° siecle, publie 
d'apres le ms. unique de Florence. Introduction, cxvi pp. 
Paris, Societe des Anciens Textes Frangais, 1881. 

Paulin Paris: Histoire Litteraire de la France. Vol. 22. 
Paris, 1895. 970 pp. 

Murray Anthony Potter: Sohrab and Rustem, the Epic 
Theme of a Combat between Father and Son. A Study 
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